Ohio  Valley  Historical  Series. 

NUMBER    FIVE. 

SMITH'S 

Captivity  with  the   Indians. 


AN   ACCOUNT 


Remarkable  Occurrences 


IN  THE  LIFE  AND  TRAVELS  OF 


COL.  JAMES  SMITH, 


DURING    HIS     CAPTIVITY    WITH    THE    INDIANS,    IN    THE    YEARS 
1755.  '56,  '57,  '58»  &  '59- 


An  Appendix  of  Illustrative  Notes. 
BY  WM.   M.  DARLINGTON, 

OF   PITTSBURGH. 


CINCINNATI: 

ROBERT    CLARKE    &    CO. 
1870. 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1870, 

BY  ROBERT  CLARKE  &  CO., 

In   the   Clerk's   Office    of  the   District   Court    of  the    United   States   in   and   for  the 
Southern    District  of  Ohio. 


OHIO  VALLEY  PRESS, 
ROBERT   CLARKE   A    CO. 

CINCINNATI,    O. 


PREFATORY. 


E  select  this  as  one  of  the  reprints  of  our  OHIO  VALLEY 
HISTORICAL  SERIES,  believing  that  in  it  the  Indian  "Cus- 

toms,    Manners,    Traditions,    Theological    Sentiments, 
f  0 

Mode    of  Warfare,    Military    Tactics,    Discipline,  and 

Encampment,  Treatment  of  Prisoners,  etc.,  are  better  explained 
and  more  minutely  related  than  has  been  heretofore  done/'  as  the 
author  expresses  himself  in  his  title  page.  His  vivid"  pictures  of 
the  vagrant,  precarious  lives  of  the  Indians,  little  more  than  a 
century  "ago,  in  the  then  unbroken  wilderness  which  has  given 
place  to  the  prosperous  State  of  Ohio,  written  without  any 
pretense  to  style  or  learning,  bear  every  impress  of  truthfulness; 
and  as  a  faithful  record  of  an  eye-witness  of  their  condition, 
habits,  etc.,  it  deserves  to  be  perpetuated.  It  has  been  several 
times  reprinted,  with  more  or  less  accuracy,  but  all  the  editions 
may  now  be  classed  among  the  scarce  books. 

James  Smith  was  born  in  1737,  in  Franklin  county,  Pennsyl- 


M67£295 


vi  Prefatory. 


vania,  at  that  time  the  backwoods  frontier,  the  extreme  limit  of 
civilization.  As  might  be  expected,  he  received  but  a  limited 
education  in  book-learning,  but,  as  befitted  a  backwoods  boy,  he 
was  well  versed  in  wood-craft,  active  in  the  hunt,  and  inured  to 
all  the  hardships  and  trials  of  a  frontier  life.  At  the  age  of 
eighteen,  in  1 755,  he  was  taken  captive  by  the  Indians,  was  adopted 
into  one  of  their  families,  and  accompanied  them  in  all  their 
wanderings,  till  his  escape  in  1759.  He  returned  to  Conoco- 
cheague  early  in  1760,  and  was  received  with  great  joy  by  his 
family  and  friends. 

He  settled  himself  at  his  old  home  in  the  ordinary  routine  of 
pioneer  farming,  and  in  May,  1763,  married  Miss  Anne  Wilson, 
by  whom  he  had  seven  children — four  sons,  Jonathan,  William, 
James,  and  Robert  ;  and  three  daughters,  Jane,  Elizabeth,  and 
Rebecca.  His  subsequent  adventures,  as  a  leader  of  the  Black- 
boys,  in  1763  and  1769;  his  service  as  a  lieutenant  in  Bouquet's 
expedition  against  the  Ohio  Indians  in  1764;  his  exploring 
excursion  into  southern  Kentucky  in  1766,  and  his  services 
during  the  Revolutionary  war,  in  which  he  earned  and  received 
the  rank  of  colonel,  are  sufficiently  detailed  in  his  own  narra 
tive. 

After  the  temporary  peace  made  with  the  Indians  in  1778,  he 
removed  to  Westmoreland  county,  Pennsylvania,  and  settled  on 
a  farm  on  Jacob's  creek.  Here  his  wife  died.  [Of  her  we 
know  little,  except  that  she  was  a  good  woman,  and  a  devoted 
wife  and  mother.  In  1785,  he  spent  most  of  the  summer  in 
Kentucky,  looking  after  some  land  claims ;  there  he  married  his 


Prefatory.  vii 


second  wife,  Mrs.  Margaret  Irvin,*  nee  Rodgers,  widow 
of  Mr.  Abraham  Irvin,  a  woman  of  cultivated  mind,  with  whom 
he  lived  happily  until  her  decease  in  1800.  They  had  no  chil 
dren.  She  had  five  by  her  former  marriage. 

Of  Mr.  Smith's  affection  for  his  first  wife,  the  following  inci 
dent  bears  witness.  It  was  communicated  to  us  by  Rev.  J.  M. 
Smith,  son^of  Mr,  Smith's  youngest  son,  Robert. 

"My  father's  earliest  recollections  related  to  the  habits 
of  his  father,  which  he  told  about  as  follows :  His  mother  was 
buried  on  the  farm,  on  a  hill  at  some  distance  from  the  house, 
where  some  large  oak  trees  had  been  left  standing  to  mark  and 
shade  the  family  burying  ground.  Under  the  shade  of  these 
trees  my  grandfather  had  constructed  a  kind  of  booth,  some 
what  after  the  form  of  an  Indian  wigwam,  but  small  in  size. 


*  The  following  account  is  given  of  Mrs.  Irvin  in  the  edition  of 
this  work,  published  by  Grigg  &  Elliot,  in  1834: 

"She  was  born  in  the  year  1744,  in  Hanover  county,  Virginia.  She  was  of  a  re 
spectable  family ;  her  father  and  the  Rev.  Dr.  Rodgers,  of  New  York,  were  brothers' 
children.  Her  mother  was  sister  to  the  Rev.  James  Caldwell,  who  was  killed  by  the 
British  and  tories  at  Elizabeth  Point,  New  Jersey.  Her  father  removed,  when  she  was 
a  child  ,to  what  was  then  called  Lunenburg,  now  Charlotte  county,  Virginia.  She  never 
went  to  school  but  three  months,  and  that  at  the  age  of  five  years.  At  the  expiration 
of  that  term  the  school  ceased,  and  she  had  no  opportunity  to  attend  one  afterward. 
Her  mother,  however,  being  an  intelligent  woman,  and  an  excellent  scholar,  gave  her 
lessons  at  home.  On  the  5th  of  November.  1764,  she  was  married  to  Mr.  Irvin,  a 
respectable  man,  though  in  moderate  circumstances.  In  the  year  1777,  when  every 
true  friend  of  his  country  felt  it  his  duty  to  render  some  personal  service,  he  and  a 
neighbor,  by  the  name  of  William  Handy,  agreed  that  they  would  enlist  for  the  term 
of  three  years,  and  each  to  serve  eighteen  months;  Irvin  to  serve  the  first  half,  and 
Handy  the  second.  Mr.  Irvin  entered  upon  duty,  ;n  company  with  many  others  from 
that  section  of  the  country.  When  they  had  marched  to  Dumfries,  Va.,  before  they 
joined  the  main  army,  they  were  ordered  to  halt  and  inoculate  for  the  small-pox- 
Irvin  neglected  to  inoculate,  under  the  impression  he  had  had  the  disease  during  infancy 
The  consequence  was,  he  took  the  smallpox  in  the  natural  way,  and  died,  leaving  Mrs- 
Irvin,  and  five  small  children,  four  sons  and  a  daughter. 


viii  Prefatory. 


In  this  he  had  made  a  couch,  upon  which  he  would  lie  upon  his 
back  and  read.  To  this  retreat  he  was  accustomed  to  take  his 
little  son,  and  there  to  read  to  him  from  the  Holy  Scriptures, 
and  point  out  to  him  the  grave  of  his  mother.  Their  last  visit 
to  this  hallowed  spot  made  a  very  deep  impression  upon  the 
mind  of  my  father  ;  he  never  referred  to  it  without  tears,  even 
when  he  was  an  old  man.  They  were  about  to  remove  to  the 
State  of  Kentucky,  and  all  other  matters  having  been  arranged, 
he  took  his  little  boy  and  repaired  to  the  grave  of  his  wife, 
which  he  was  soon  to  leave  forever,  and  there  the  two  kneeled, 
side  by  side,  and  the  widowed  husband  offered  up  his  last  prayer 
on  behalf  of  his  orphan  child  over  the  grave  of  the  departed 
wife  and  mother.  This  done,  leading  his  little  son  by  the  hand, 
he  followed  his  family,  who  had  already  started  from  their  old 
home  to  seek  a  new  one  in  the  wilds  of  Kentucky." 

This  was  in  1788.  He  took  with  him,  his  wife  and  her  chil 
dren,  and  of  his  own  children,  James,  William,  Robert,  and 
Rebecca,  and  settled  on  Cane  Ridge,  in  Bourbon  county,  Ken 
tucky,  about  seven  miles  from  Paris. 

Col.  Smith  was  a  man  of  very  quiet  and  taciturn  character,  a 
reader  and  a  thinker,  and  much  given  to  religious  reading  and 
meditation.  In  him,  however,  the  courage  of  opinion  was  fully 
developed,  and  when  roused,  he  had  more  than  ordinary  talent 


In  the  fall  of  1782,  Mrs.  Irvin  removed,  in  company  with  a  number  of  enterprising 
Virginians,  to  the  wilds  of  Kentucky;  and  three  years  afterward  intermarried  with 
Col.  Smith,  by  whom  she  had  no  issue.  She  died  about  the  year  1800,  in  Bourbon 
county,  Kentucky,  in  the  56th  year  of  her  age.  She  was  a  member  of  the  Presby 
terian  church,  and  sustained  through  life  an  unblemished  reputation.  In  early  life  she 
wrote  but  little,  most  of  her  productions  being  the  fruits  of  her  maturer  years,  and  while 
she  was  the  wife  of  Col.  Smith.  But  little  of  her  composition  has  ever  been  put  to 
press ;  but  her  genius  and  taste  were  always  acknowledged  by  those  who  had  access  to 
the  productions  of  her  pen.  She  had  a  happy  talent  for  pastoral  poetry,  and  many 
fugitive  pieces  ascribed  to  her  will  long  be  cherished  and  admired  by  the  children  of 
song. 


Prefatory.  ix 


in  debate,  so  that  among  his  new  neighbors  he  soon  became  a 
man  of  mark.  He  was  elected  the  same  year  a  member  of  the 
convention  which  sat  at  Danville  to  confer  about  a  separation 
from  the  State  of  Virginia,  and  afterward  represented  Bourbon 
county  in  the  General  Assembly  of  the  State. 

In  religious  matters  Col.  Smith  was  an  enthusiast,  and  for 
some  time  took  an  active  part  in  the  Stoneite  movement,  which 
so  excited  the  early  church  in  Kentucky,  for  an  account  of 
which  we  must  refer  our  readers  to  Davidson's  History  of  the 
Presbyterian  Church  In  Kentucky.  He  finally,  however,  returned 
to  the  Presbyterian  church,  and  receiving  licensure,  or  perhaps 
ordination,  he  spent  much  of  his  time  in  his  later  years  as  a 
missionary  among  the  Indians,  for  which  work  his  familiarity 
with  Indian  character  eminently  fitted  him. 

In  1802  he  lived  with  his  son  James,  to  whom  he  had  conveyed 
the  copyright  and  the  remaining  copies  of  his  work,  and  also 
twenty  acres  of  land,  for  which  the  son  had  agreed  "  to  decently 
support  his  father  during  his  lifetime." 

On  his  return  from  one  of  his  missionary  excursions  into  Ten 
nessee,  he  found  that  his  son  James  had  during  his  absence  joined 
the  Shakers,  and  had  gone  with  his  family  to  a  settlement  which 
that  sect  had  just  formed  on  Turtle  Creek,  Ohio  (near  Lebanon). 
He  followed,  "to  see  what  sort  of  people  they  were,"  lived  with 
them  only  a  short  time,  but  long  enough  to  be  disgusted  with  the 
whole  fraternity.  His  son  James,  who  before  joining  the  Shakers 
"was  naturally  friendly,  a  dutiful  son,  a  kind  husband  and  a 
tender  father,"  seems  to  have  changed  his  whole  nature,  and 


Prefatory. 


u  appeared  to  be  divested  of  natural  affection  toward  his  wife 
Polly  and  other  connections."  She,  on  going  to  visit  some 
relatives  with  her  father-in-law,  was  advertised  by  her  husband 
as  having  left  his  "house  and  board  without  any  just  cause';" 
and  on  her  return,  at  the  instigation  of  the  elders,  he  refused  to 
receive  her,  or  allow  her  to  see  her  children,  "  without  she  would 
receive  their  testimony/'  Thus  driven  from  the  settlement,  and 
from  her  husband  and  children,  she  returned  to  her  friends  in 
Kentucky.  Col.  Smith  was  greatly  exasperated  at  the  conduct 
of  his  son,  and  opened  his  batteries  on  the  leaders  of  the  Shakers, 
exposing  them  socially,  theologically,  and  politically,  in  a  pamphlet 
entitled 

"  REMARKABLE  OCCURRENCES  lately  discovered  among  the 
People  called  SHAKERS:  of  a  Treasonable  and  |  barbarous 
nature  ;  or,  SHAKERISM  DEVELOPED.  By  James  Smith.  Paris 
(Ky.)  Printed  by  Joel  R.  Lyle."  (1810.)  pp.  24. 

This  brought  out  a  rejoinder  by  Richard  McNemar,  one  of 
their  leaders,  and  Col.  Smith  again  appeared  in  print,  in  a  pamphlet 
of  44  pages,  entitled 

"  SHAKERISM  DETECTED  ;  their  Erroneous  and  Treasonable 
Proceedings,  and  FALSE  PUBLICATIONS  contained  in  Different 
Newspapers,  Exposed  to  Public  View,  by  the  depositions  of  ten 
different  persons  living  in  various  parts  of  the  State  of  Kentucky 
and  Ohio,  accompanied  with  remarks.  By  Col.  James  Smith, 
of  Kentucky.  Paris,  Kentucky.  Printed  by  Joel  R.  Lyle. 
1810." 

These,  however,  had  no  result  so  far  as  the  son  was  con 
cerned  :  he  remained  with  the  Shakers  ;  and  Col.  Smith  spent 
the  remainder  of  his  days,  thus  embittered  by  the  unnatural  con- 


Prefatory.  xi 


duct  of  his  son,  chiefly  with  his  step-children,  the  Irvins,  in 
Washington  county,  Kentucky,  where  he  died  in  1812. 

The  Indians  had  again  become  very  troublesome  in  1811,  and 
a  general  Indian  war  was  expected.  Col.  Smith,  now  too  old 
for  actual  service,*  but  still  having  considerable  of  the  old  leaven 
of  patriotism  in  him,  wrote  out  and  published  a  treatise  on 
Indian  warfare,  of  which  the  following  is  the  title  page  : 

"  A  Treatise  on  the  Mode  and  Manner  of  Indian  War,  their 
Tactics,  Discipline  and  Encampment,  the  various  Methods  they 
Practise,  in  order  to  obtain  the  Advantage,  by  Ambush,  Surprise, 
Surrounding,  &c.  Ways  and  Means  proposed  to  Prevent  the 
Indians  from  obtaining  the  Advantage.  A  Chart,  or  Plan  of 
Marching,  and  Encamping,  laid  down,  whereby  we  may  undoubt 
edly  Surround  them,  if  we  have  Men  Sufficient.  Also — A  Brief 
Account  of  Twenty-three  Campaigns,  carried  on  against  the 
Indians  with  the  Events  since  the  year  1755;  Gov.  Harrison's 
included.  By  Col.  James  Smith.  Likewise — Some  Abstracts 
selected  from  his  Journal,  while  in  Captivity  with  the  Indians, 
relative  to  the  Wars  :  which  was  published  many  years  ago,  but 
few  of  them  now  to  be  found.  Paris  Kentucky.  Printed  by 
Joel  R.  Lyle.  1812."  pp  I,  59. 

There  is  not  much  new  matter  in  this  volume.  It  is  little  x 
more  than  those  portions  of  his  "  captivity  "  relating  to  Indian 
warfare,  rearranged  and  connected.  No  one  could  read  it  with 
out  being  convinced  of  the  wisdom  of  the  tactics  he  suggests 
and  even  of  their  applicability  to  Indian  warfare  in  these  latter 
days.  * 

*He  made  the  attempt,  however.  In  Niles*  Register  for  September  26,  1 8 12,  he  Is 
said  to  have  ll  gone  to  join  the  army,  when  he  heard  of  the  surrender  of  Hull."  His 
son  Robert  raised  a  company  of  volunteers  in  Washington  county,  Ky.  He  was  a 
tanner,  and  in  order  to  uniform  his  company  he  tanned  all  their  pantaloons  in  his  vats. 


xii  Prefatory. 


We  must  express  our  obligations  to  Miss  Sarah  M'Quaid,  of 
Elizabeth,  Pennsylvania,  who  was  brought  up  in  Jonathan 
Smith's  family,  and  Rev.  J.  M.  Smith,  of  McKeesport,  Pennsyl 
vania,  for  much  of  the  material  of  this  sketch ;  and  also  to  Rev. 
Joel  K.  Lyle,  of  Lexington,  for  the  use  of  the  two  Shaker 
pamphlets  ;  and  Mr.  S.  B.  Elliott,  of  Cincinnati,  for  the  pamphlet 
on  Indian  warfare. 

Since  the  narrative  was  printed  we  have  been  favored  by  Mr. 
"Wm.  M.  Darlington  of  Pittsburgh  with  the  valuable  Notes 
printed  in  the  Appendix  on  the  localities,  etc.,  mentioned  by  Col. 
Smith.  They  will  be  found  to  be  of  considerable  interest,  and 
add  very  much  to  the  value  of  this  republication.  We  regret 
that  they  were  received  too  late  to  refer  to  them  in  the  text, 
but  the  pages  are  given  with  the  Notes  referring  back  to  the 
Narrative,  and  the  Index  will  be  a  ready  reference  to  both  the 
text  and  notes. 


AN  ACCOUNT 

OF   THE 

REMARKABLE  OCCURRENCES 

IN    THE    LIFE    AND    TRAVELS    OF 

COL.  JAMES  SMITH, 

(Now  a  Citizen  of  Bourbon   County,   Kentucky,) 

DURING  HIS  CAPTIVITY  WITH  THE  INDIANS, 
IN  THE  YEARS   1755,  '56,  '57,  '58,  &  '59, 

In  which  the  Cuftoms,  Manners,  Traditions,  Theological  Sen 
timents,  Mode  of  Warfare,  Military  Tactics,  Difcipline  and 
Encampments,  Treatment  of  Prifoners,  &c.  are  better  ex 
plained,  and  more  minutely  related,  than  has  been  heretofore 
done,  by  any  author  on  that  fubjecl:.  Together  with  a  De- 
fcription(of  the  Soil,  Timber  and  Waters,  where  he  travel 
led  with  the  Indians,  during  his  captivity. 

TO    WHICH    IS    ADDED, 

A  Brief  Account  of  fome  Very  Uncommon  Occurrences,  which 
tranfpired  after  his  return  from  captivity  ;  as  well  as  of  the 
Different  Campaigns  carried  on  againft  the  Indians  to  the 
weftward  of  Fort  Pitt,  fince  the  year  1755,  to  the  prefent 
date. 

WRITTEN  BY  HIMSELF. 

LEXINGTON: 
PRINTED  BY  JOHN  BRADFORD,  ON  MAIN  STREET, 


1799. 


COPT  RIGHT  SECURED  ACCORDING  TO  ACT  OF  CONGRESS. 


PREFACE. 


T  WAS  ftrongly  urged  to  publifh  the  following  work, 
A  immediately  after  my  return  from  captivity,  which 
was  nearly  forty  years  ago — but,  as  at  that  time  the 
Americans  were  fo  little  acquainted  with  Indian  affairs, 
I  apprehended  a  great  part  of  it  would  be  viewed  as 
fable  or  romance. 

As  the  Indians  never  attempted  to  prevent  me  either 
from  reading  or  writing,  I  kept  a  Journal,  which  I 
revifed  fhortly  after  my  return  from  captivity,  and 
which  I  have  kept  ever  fince  :  and  as  I  have  had  but  a 
moderate  Englifh  education,  have  been  advifed  to 
employ  fome  perfon  of  liberal  education  to  tranfcribe 
and  embellim  it — but  believing  that  nature  always 
outmines  art,  have  thought,  that  occurrences  truly  and 
plainly  ftated,  as  they  happened,  would  make  the  beft 
hiftory,  be  better  underfttood,  and  moft  entertaining. 

In  the  different  Indian  fpeeches  copied  into  this  work, 
I  have  not  only  imitated  their  own  ftyle,  or  mode  of 


4  Preface. 

fpeaking,  but  have  also  preferved  the  ideas  meant  to  be 
communicated  in  those  fpeeches — In  common  conver- 
fation,  I  have  ufed  my  own  flyle,  but  preferved  their 
ideas.  The  principal  advantage  that  I  expect  will  refult 
to  the  public,  from  the  publication  of  the  following 
meets,  is  the  obfervations  on  the  Indian  mode  of  warfare. 
Experience  has  taught  the  Americans  the  neceflity  of 
adopting  their  mode,  and  the  more  perfect  we  are  in 
that  mode,  the  better  we  mail  be  able  to  defend  ourfelves 
againfl  them,  when  defence  is  neceflary. 

JAMES   SMITH. 

Bourbon   County,  June  1st,  1799. 


REMARKABLE 


OCCURRENCES,    ETC 


IN  May  1755,  the  province  of  Pennfylvania,  agreed 
to  fend  out  three  hundred  men,  in  order  to  cut  a 
waggon  road  from  Fort  Loudon,  to  join  Braddock's 
road,  near  the  Turkey  Foot,  or  three  forks  of  Yoho- 
gania.  My  brother-in-law,  William  Smith  efq.  of  Cono- 
cocheague,  was  appointed  commiflioner,  to  have  the 
overfight  of  thefe  road-cutters. 

Though  I  was  at  that  time  only  eighteen  years  of 
age,  I  had  fallen  violently  in  love  with  a  young  lady, 
whom  I  apprehended  was  pofleffed  of  a  large  mare  of 
both  beauty  and  virtue ;  but  being  born  between  Venus 
and  Mars,  I  concluded  I  muft  alfo  leave  my  dear  fair 
one,  and  go  out  with  this  company  of  road-cutters,  to 

*      (v) 


Col.  James  Smith. 


fee  the  event  of  this  campaign  ;  but  ftill  expecting  that 
fome  time  in  the  courfe  of  this  fummer,  I  mould  again 
return  to  the  arms  of  my  beloved. 

We  went  on  with  the  road,  without  interruption, 
until  near  the  Allegheny  Mountain  ;  when  I  was  fent 
back,  in  order  to  hurry  up  fome  provision  waggons  that 
were  on  the  way  after  us;  I  proceeded  down  the  road  as 
far  as  the  croffings  of  Juniata,  where,  rinding  the  wag 
gons  were  coming  on  as  fail  as  poflible,  I  returned  up 
the  road  again  towards  the  Allegheny  Mountain,  in 
company  with  one  Arnold  Vigoras.  About  four  or 
five  miles  above  Bedford,  three  Indians  had  made  a 
blind  of  bufhes,  iluck  in  the  ground,  as  though  they 
grew  naturally,  where  they  concealed  themfelves,  about 
fifteen  yards  from  the  road.  When  we  came  oppofite 
to  them,  they  fired  upon  us,  at  this  fhort  diftance,  and 
killed  my  fellow  traveller,  yet  their  bullets  did  not 
touch  me ;  but  my  horfe  making  a  violent  ftart,  threw 
me,  and  the  Indians  immediately  ran  up,  and  took  me 
prifoner.  The  one  that  laid  hold  on  me  was  a  Cana- 
fatauga,  the  other  two  were  Delawares.  One  of  them 
could  fpeak  Englifh,  and  afked  me  if  there  were  any 
more  white  men  coming  after?  I  told  them  not  any 
near,  that  I  knew  of.  Two  of  thefe  Indians  ftood  by 
me,  whilfl  the  other  fcalped  my  comrade :  they  then  fet 
off  and  ran  at  a  fmart  rate,  through  the  woods,  for 
about  fifteen  miles,  and  that  night  we  flept  on  the  Ale- 
gheny  Mountain,  without  fire. 


Remarkable  Occurrences^  Etc. 


The  next  morning  they  divided  the  laft  of  their  pro- 
vifion  which  they  had  brought  from  Fort  DuQuefhe, 
and  gave  me  an  equal  mare,  which  was  about  two  or 
three  ounces  of  mouldy  bifcuit — this  and  a  young 
Ground-Hog,  about  as  large  as  a  Rabbit,  roafted,  and 
alfo  equally  divided,  was  all  the  provifion  we  had  until 
we  came  to  the  Loyal-Hannan,  which  was  about  fifty 
miles;  and  a  great  part  of  the  way  we  came  through 
exceeding  jocky  Laurel-thickets,  without  any  path. 
When  we  came  to  the  Weft  fide  of  Laurel  Hill,  they 
gave  the  fcalp  halloo,  as  ufual,  which  is  a  long  yell  or 
halloo,  for  every  fcalp  or  prifoner  they  have  in  porTeflion; 
the  laft  of  thefe  fcalp  halloos  was  followed  with  quick 
and  fudden,  fhrill  fhouts  of  joy  and  triumph.  On  their 
performing  this,  we  were  anfwered  by  the  firing  of  a 
number  of  guns  on  the  Loyal-Hannan,  one  after  an 
other,  quicker  than  one  could  count,  by  another  party 
of  Indians,  who  were  encamped  near  where  Ligoneer 
now  ftands.  As  we  advanced  near  this  party,  they 
increafed  with  repeated  fhouts  of  joy  and  triumph;  but 
I  did  not  fhare  with  them  in  their  exceffive  mirth. 
When  we  came  to  this  camp,  we  found  they  had  plenty 
of  Turkeys  and  other  meat,  there ;  and  though  I  never 
before  eat  venifon  without  bread  or  fait,  yet  as  I  was 
hungry,  it  relifhed  very  well.  There  we  lay  that  night, 
and  the  next  morning  the  whole  of  us  marched  on  our 
way  for  Fort  DuQuefne.  The  night  after  we  joined 
another  camp  of  Indians,  with  nearly  the  fame  cere- 


Col.  James  Smith. 


mony,  attended  with  great  noife,  and  apparent  joy, 
among  all,  except  one.  The  next  morning  we  continued 
our  march,  and  in  the  afternoon  we  came  in  full  view  of 
the  fort,  which  ftood  on  the  point,  near  where  Fort  Pitt 
now  {lands.  We  then  made  a  halt  on  the  bank  of  the 
Alegheny,  and  repeated  the  fcalp  halloo,  which  was 
anfwered  by  the  firing  of  all  the  firelocks  in  the  hands 
of  both  Indians  and  French  who  were  in  and  about  the 
fort,  in  the  aforefaid  manner,  and  alfo  the  great  guns, 
which  were  followed  by  the  continued  fhouts  and  yells 
of  the  different  favage  tribes  who  were  then  collected 
there. 

As  I  was  at  this  time  unacquainted  with  this  mode 
of  firing  and  yelling  of  the  favages,  I  concluded  that 
there  were  thoufands  of  Indians  there,  ready  to  receive 
General  Braddock;  but  what  added  to  my  furprize,  I 
faw  numbers  running  towards  me,  ftripped  naked,  ex 
cepting  breech-clouts,  and  painted  in  the  moft  hideous 
manner,  of  various  colors,  though  the  principal  color 
was  vermillion,  or  a  bright  red;  yet  there  was  annexed 
to  this,  black,  brown,  blue,  &c.  As  they  approached, 
they  formed  themfelves  into  two  long  ranks,  about  two 
or  three  rods  apart.  I  was  told  by  an  Indian  that 
could  fpeak  Englifh,  that  I  muft  run  betwixt  thefe 
ranks,  and  that  they  would  flog  me  all  the  way,  as  I 
ran,  and  if  I  ran  quick,  it  would  be  fo  much  the  better, 
as  they  would  quit  when  I  got  to  the  end  of  the  ranks. 
There  appeared  to  be  a  general  rejoicing  around  me, 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc. 


yet  I  could  find  nothing  like  joy  in  my  breaft;   but  I 
ftarted  to  the  race  with  all  the  refolution  and  vigor  I 
was  capable  of  exerting,  and  found  that  it  was  as  I  had 
had  been  told,  for  I  was  flogged  the  whole  way.    When 
I  had  got  near  the  end  of  the  lines,  I  was  ftruck  with 
fomething  that  appeared  to  me  to  be  a  flick,   or  the 
handle  of  a  tommahawk,  which  caufed  me  to  fall  to  the 
ground.     On  my  recovering  my  fenfes,  I  endeavored  to 
renew  my  race;    but  as  I   arofe,  fome  one  cad  fand  in 
my  eyes,  which   blinded   me   fo,  that   I   could  not  fee 
where  to  run.     They  continued  beating  me  mofl  into!-; 
erably,  until  I  was  at  length  infenfible;    but  before  I 
loft  my  fenfes,  I  remember  my  wifhing  them  to  ftrikes 
the  fatal  blow,  for  I  thought  they  intended  killing  me, ' 
but  apprehended  they  were  too  long  about  it.j, 

The  firft  thing  I  remember  was  my  being  in  the  fort, 
amidft  the  French  and  Indians,  and  a  French  doctor 
{landing  by  me,  who  had  opened  a  vein  in  my  left  arm : 
after  which  the  interpreter  afked  me  how  I  did,  I  told 
him  I  felt  much  pain ;  the  doctor  then  warned  my 
wounds,  and  the  bruifed  places  of  my  body,  with 
French  brandy.  As  I  felt  faint,  and  the  brandy  fmelt 
well,  I  afked  for  fome  inwardly,  but  the  doctor  told 
me,  by  the  interpreter,  that  it  did  not  fuit  my  cafe. 

When  they  found  I  could  fpeak3  a  number  of  Indians 
came  around  me,  and  examined  me  with  threats  of  cruel 
death,  if  I  did  not  tell  the  truth.  The  firft  queflion 
they  afked  me,  was,  how  many  men  were  there  in  the 

2 


io  Col.  James  Smith. 


party  that  were  coming  from  Pennfylvania,  to  join 
Braddock  ?  I  told  them  the  truth,  that  there  were 
three  hundred.  The  next  queftion  was,  were  they  well 
armed  ?  I  told  them  they  were  all  well  armed,  (mean 
ing  the  arm  of  flefh)  for  they  had  only  about  thirty 
guns  among  the  whole  of  them;  which,  if  the  Indians 
had  known,  they  would  certainly  have  gone  and  cut 
them  all  off;  therefore  I  could  not  in  confcience  let 
them  know  the  defencelefs  fituation  of  thefe  road-cut 
ters.  I  was  then  fent  to  the  hofpital,  and  carefully 
attended  by  the  doctors,  and  recovered  quicker  than 
what  I  expected. 

Some  time  after  I  was  there,  I  was  vifited  by  the 
Delaware  Indian  already  mentioned,  who  was  at  the 
taking  of  me,  and  could  fpeak  fome  Englifh.  Though 
he  fpoke  but  bad  Englifh,  yet  I  found  him  to  be  a  man 
of  conflderable  underftanding.  I  afked  him  if  I  had 
done  any  thing  that  had  offended  the  Indians,  which 
caufed  them  to  treat  me  fo  unmercifully  ?  He  faid  no, 
it  was  only  an  old  cuftom  the  Indians  had,  and  it  was 
like  how  do  you  do  ;  after  that  he  faid  I  would  be  well 
ufed.  I  aiked  him  if  I  mould  be  admitted  to  remain 
with  the  French?  He  faid  no — and  told  me  that  as 
foon  as  I  recovered,  I  muft  not  only  go  with  the  In 
dians,  but  muft  be  made  an  Indian  myfelf.  I  afked 
him  what  news  from  Braddock's  army  ?  He  faid  the 
Indians  fpied  them  every  day,  and  he  mewed  me  by 
making  marks  on  the  ground  with  a  ftick,  that  Brad- 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  1 1 

dock's  army  was  advancing  in  very  clofe  order,  and  that 
the  Indians  would  furround  them,  take  trees,  and  (as 
he  expreffed  it)  ftioot  urn  down  all  one  pigeon. 

Shortly  after  this,  on  the  9th  day  of  July  1755,  in 
the  morning  I  heard  a  great  ftir  in  the  fort.  As  I  could 
then  walk  with  a  ftaff  in  my  hand,  I  went  out  of  the 
door  which  was  juft  by  the  wall  of  the  fort,  and  flood 
upon  the  wall  and  viewed  the  Indians  in  a  huddle  be 
fore  the  gate,  where  were  barrels  of  powder,  bullets, 
flints  &c.,  and  every  one  taking  what  fuited ;  I  faw 
the  Indians  alfo  march  off  in  rank  intire — likewife  the 
French  Canadians,  and  fome  regulars,  after  viewing  the 
Indians  and  French  in  different  portions,  I  computed 
them  to  be  about  four  hundred,  and  wondered  that 
they  attempted  to  go  out  againfl  Braddock  with  fo 
fmall  a  party.  I  was  then  in  high  hopes  that  I  would 
foon  fee  them  flying  before  the  Britim  troops,  and  that 
General  Braddock  would  take  the  fort  and  refcue  me. 

I  remained  anxious  to  know  the  event  of  this  day; 
and  in  the  afternoon  I  again  obferved  a  great  noife  and 
commotion  in  the  fort,  and  though  at  that  time  I  could 
not  understand  French,  yet  I  found  it  was  the  voice  of 
Joy  and  triumph,  and  feared  that  they  had  received  what 
I  called  bad  news. 

I  had  obferved  fome  of  the  old  country  foldiers 
fpeak  Dutch,  as  I  fpoke  Dutch  I  went  to  one  of  them 
and  afked  him  what  was  the  news  ?  he  told  me  that  a 
runner  had  juft  arrived,  who  faid  that  Braddock  would 


Col.  James  Smith. 


certainly  be  defeated;  that  the  Indians  and  French  had 
furrounded  him,  and  were  concealed  behind  trees  and  in 
gullies,  and  kept  a  conftant  fire  upon  the  Englifh,  and 
that  they  faw  the  Englifh  falling  in  heaps,  and  if  they 
did  not  take  the  river  which  was  the  only  gap,  and 
make  their  efcape,  there  would  not  be  one  man  left 
alive  before  fun  down.  Some  time  after  this  I  heard  a 
number  of  fcalp  halloo's  and  faw  a  company  of  Indians 
and  French  coming  in.  I  obferved  they  had  a  great 
many  bloody  fcalps,  grenadiers'  caps,  Britifh  canteens, 
bayonets  &c.  with  them.  They  brought  the  news  that 
Braddock  was  defeated.  After  that  another  company 
came  in  which  appeared  to  be  about  one  hundred,  and 
chiefly  Indians,  and  it  feemed  to  me  that  almoft  every 
one  of  this  company  was  carrying  fcalps;  after  this  came 
another  company  with  a  number  of  waggon-horfes,  and 
alfo  a  great  many  fcalps.  Thofe  that  were  coming  in, 
and  thofe  that  had  arrived,  kept  a  conftant  firing  of 
fmall  arms,  and  alfo  the  great  guns  in  the  fort,  which 
were  accompanied  with  the  moft  hedeous  fhouts  and 
yells  from  all  quarters  ;  fo  that  it  appeared  to  me  as  if 
the  infernal  regions  had  broke  loofe. 

About  fun  down  I  beheld  a  fmall  party  coming  in 
with  about  a  dozen  prifoners,  ftripped  naked,  with  their 
hands  tied  behind  their  backs,  and  their  faces,  and  part 
of  their  bodies  blacked — thefe  prifoners  they  burned  to 
death  on  the  bank  of  Alegheny  River  oppofite  to  the 
fort.  I  flood  on  the  fort  wall  until  I  beheld  them  begin 


Remarkable  Occurrences.,  Etc.  13 

to  burn  one  of  thefe  men,  they  had  him  tied  to  a  flake 
and  kept  touching  him  with  fire-brands,  red-hot  irons 
&c.  and  he  fcreeming  in  a  moft  doleful  manner, — the 
Indians  in  the  mean  time  yelling  like  infernal  fpirits. 
As  this  fcene  appeared  too  mocking  for  me  to  behold, 
I  retired  to  my  lodging  both  fore  and  forry. 

When  I  came  into  my  lodgings  I  faw  RufTel's  Seven 
Sermons,  which  they  had  brought  from  the  field  of 
battle,  which  a  Frenchman  made  a  prefent  of  to  me. 
From  the  beft  information  I  could  receive  there  were 
only  feven  Indians  and  four  French  killed  in  this 
battle,  and  five  hundred  Britifh  lay  dead  in  the  field ; 
befides  what  were  killed  in  the  river  on  their  retreat. 

The  morning  after  the  battle  I  faw  Braddock's  artilery 
brought  into  the  fort,  the  fame  day  I  alfo  faw  feveral 
Indians  in  British-officers'  drefs  with  fafh,  half-moon, 
laced  hats  &c.  which  the  Britifh  then  wore. 

A  few  days  after  this  the  Indians  demanded  me  and 
I  was  obliged  to  go  with  them.  I  was  not  yet  well  able 
to  march,  but  they  took  me  in  a  canoe,  up  the  Alegheny 
River  to  an  Indian  town  that  was  on  the  north  fide  of 
the  river,  about  forty  miles  above  Fort  DuQuefne. 
Here  I  remained  about  three  weeks,  and  was  then  taken 
to  an  Indian  town  on  the  weft  branch  of  Mufkingum, 
about  twenty  miles  above  the  forks,  which  was  called 
Tullihas,  inhabited  by  Delawares,  Caughnewagas  and 
Mohicans. — On  our  rout  betwixt  the  aforefaid  towns, 
the  country  was  chiefly  black-oak  and  white-oak  land, 


14  Col.  James  Smith. 


which  appeared  generally  to  be  good  wheat  land,  chiefly 
fecond  and  third  rate,  intermixed  with  fome  rich  bottoms. 
The  day  after  my  arrival  at  the  aforefaid  town,  a 
number  of  Indians  collected  about  me,  and  one  of  them 
began  to  pull  the  hair  out  of  my  head.  He  had  fome 
afhes  on  a  piece  of  bark,  in  which  he  frequently  diped 
his  fingers  in  order  to  take  the  firmer  hold,  and  fo  he 
went  on,  as  if  he  had  been  plucking  a  turkey,  until  he 
had  all  the  hair  clean  out  of  my  head,  except  a  fmall 
fpot  about  three  or  four  inches  fquare  on  my  crown  ; 
this  they  cut  off  with  a  pair  of  fciffors,  excepting  three 
locks,  which  they  drafted  up  in  their  own  mode.  Two 
of  thefe  they  wraped  round  with  a  narrow  beaded  garter 
made  by  themfelves  for  that  purpofe,  and  the  other  they 
platted  at  full  length,  and  then  fluck  it  full  of  filver 
broches.  After  this  they  bored  my  nofe  and  ears,  and 
fixed  me  off  with  ear  rings  and  nofe  jewels,  then  they 
ordered  me  to  ftrip  off  my  clothes  and  put  on  a  breech- 
clout,  which  I  did;  then  they  painted  my  head,  face 
and  body  in  various  colors.  They  put  a  large  belt  of 
wampom  on  my  neck,  and  filver  bands  on  my  hands 
and  right  arm ;  and  fo  an  old  chief  led  me  out  in  the 
ftreet  and  gave  the  alarm  halloo,  coo-wigh,  feveral  times 
repeated  quick,  and  on  this  all  that  were  in  the  town 
came  running  and  flood  round  the  old  chief,  who  held 
me  by  the  hand  in  the  midft.  As  I  at  that  time  knew 
nothing  of  their  mode  of  adoption,  and  had  feen  them 
put  to  death  all  they  had  taken,  and  as  I  never  could 


Remarkable  Occurrences^  Etc. 


find  that  they  faved  a  man  alive  at  Braddock's  defeat,  I 
made  no  doubt  but  they  were  about  putting  me  to 
death  in  fome  cruel  manner.  The  old  chief  holding 
me  by  the  hand  made  a  long  fpeech  very  loud,  and 
when  he  had  done  he  handed  me  to  three  young  fquaws, 
who  led  me  by  the  hand  down  the  bank  into  the  river 
until  the  water  was  up  to  our  middle.  The  fquaws 
then  made  figns  to  me  to  plunge  myfelf  into  the  water, 
but  I  did  not  understand  them  ;  I  thought  that  the 
refult  of  the  council  was  that  I  mould  be  drowned,  and 
that  thefe  young  ladies  were  to  be  the  executioners. 
They  all  three  laid  violent  hold  of  me,  and  I  for  fome 
time  oppofed  them  with  all  my  might,  which  occafioned 
loud  laughter  by  the  multitude  that  were  on  the  bank 
of  the  river.  At  length  one  of  the  fquaws  made  out 
to  fpeak  a  little  Englifh  (for  I  believe  they  began  to  be 
afraid  of  me)  and  faid,  no  hurt  you;  on  this  I  gave 
myfelf  up  to  their  ladyfhips,  who  were  as  good  as  their 
word ;  for  though  they  plunged  me  under  water,  and 
warned  and  rubbed  me  feverely,  yet  I  could  not  fay 
they  hurt  me  much. 

Thefe  young  women  then  led  me  up  to  the  council 
houfe,  where  fome  of  the  tribe  were  ready  with  new 
cloths  for  me.  They  gave  me  a  new  ruffled  mirt,  which 
I  put  on,  alfo  a  pair  of  leggins  done  off  with  ribbons 
and  beads,  likewife  a  pair  of  mockafons,  and  garters 
drefTed  with  beads,  Porcupine-quills,  and  red  hair — alfo  a 
tinfel  laced  cappo.  They  again  painted  my  head  and  face 


1 6  Col.  James  Smith. 


with  various  colors,  and  tied  a  bunch  of  red  feathers  to 
one  of  thefe  locks  they  had  left  on  the  crown  of  my 
head,  which  flood  up  five  or  fix  inches.  They  feated 
me  on  a  bear  fkin,  and  gave  me  a  pipe,  tomahawk,  and 
polecat  fkin  pouch,  which  had  been  fkined  pocket 
fafhion,  and  contained  tobacco,  killegenico,  or  dry 
fumach  leaves,  which  they  mix  with  their  tobacco, — alfo 
fpunk,  flint  and  fheel.  When  I  was  thus  feated,  the 
Indians  came  in  drefTed  and  painted  in  their  grander! 
manner.  As  they  came  in  they  took  their  feats  and  for 
a  confiderable  time  there  was  a  profound  filence,  every 
one  was  fmoking, — but  not  a  word  was  fpoken  among 
them. — At  length  one  of  the  chiefs  made  a  fpeech  which 
was  delivered  to  me  by  an  interpreter, — and  was  as  fol- 
loweth: — "My  fon,  you  are  now  flefh  of  our  flefh,  and 
bone  of  our  bone.  By  the  ceremony  which  was  per 
formed  this  day,  every  drop  of  white  blood  was  warned 
out  of  your  veins  ;  you  are  taken  into  the  Caughne- 
wago  nation,  and  initiated  into  a  warlike  tribe;  you  are 
adopted  into  a  great  family,  and  now  received  with  great 
ferioufnefs  and  folemnity  in  the  room  and  place  of  a 
great  man ;  after  what  has  paffed  this  day,  you  are  now 
one  of  us  by  an  old  ftrong  law  and  cuftom — My  fon, 
you  have  now  nothing  to  fear,  we  are  now  under  the 
fame  obligations  to  love,  fupport  and  defend  you,  that 
we  are  to  love  and  defend  one  another,  therefore  you 
are  to  confider  yourfelf  as  one  of  our  people." — At  this 
time  I  did  not  believe  this  fine  fpeech,  efpecially  that  of 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  17 

the  white  blood  being  wafhed  out  of  me ;  but  fince  that 
time  I  have  found  that  there  was  much  fincerity  in  faid 
fpeech, — for  from  that  day  I  never  knew  them  to  make 
any  diftinftion  between  me  and  themfelves  in  any  refpect 
whatever  until  I  left  them. — If  they  had  plenty  of 
cloathing  I  had  plenty,  if  we  were  fcarce  we  all  fhared 
one  fate. 

After  this  ceremony  was  over,  I  was  introduced  to 
my  new  kin,  and  told  that  I  was  to  attend  a  feaft  that 
evening,  which  I  did.  And  as  the  cuftom  was,  they 
gave  me  alfo  a  bowl  and  wooden  fpoon,  which  I  carried 
with  me  to  the  place,  where  there  was  a  number  of  large 
brafs  kettles  full  of  boiled  venifon  and  green  corn ; 
every  one  advanced  with  his  bowl  and  fpoon  and  had 
his  mare  given  him. — After  this,  one  of  the  chiefs  made 
a  fhort  fpeech,  and  then  we  began  to  eat. 

The  name  of  one  of  the  chiefs  in  this  town  was  Tec- 
anyaterighto,  alias  Pluggy,  and  the  other  Afallecoa  alias 
Mohawk  Solomon. — As  Pluggy  and  his  party  were  to 
ftart  the  next  day  to  war,  to  the  frontiers  of  Virginia, 
the  next  thing  to  be  performed  was  the  war  dance,  and 
their  war  fongs.  At  their  war  dance  they  had  both 
vocal  and  instrumental  mufic.  They  had  a  fhort  holow 
gum  clofe  in  one  end,  with  water  in  it,  and  parchment 
fhretched  over  the  open  end  thereof,  which  they  beat 
with  one  ftick,  and  made  a  found  nearly  like  a  muffled 
drum;  all  thofe  who  were  going  on  this  expedition  col 
lected  together  and  formed.  An  old  Indian  then  began 

3 


1 8  Col.  James  Smith. 


to  fing  and  timed  the  mufic  by  beating  on  this  drum, 
as  the  ancients  formerly  timed  their  mufic  by  beating 
the  tabor.  On  this  the  warriors  began  to  advance, 
or  move  forward  in  concert,  like  well  difciplined 
troops  would  march  to  the  fife  and  drum.  Each  war 
rior  had  a  tomahawk,  fpear  or  war-mallet  in  his  hand, 
and  they  all  moved  regularly  towards  the  eafl,  or  the 
way  they  intended  to  go  to  war.  At  length  they  all 
ftretched  their  tomahawks  towards  the  Potomack,  and 
giving  a  hideous  fhout  or  yell,  they  wheeled  quick 
about,  and  danced  in  the  fame  manner  back.  The  next 
was  the  war  fong.  In  performing  this,  only  one  fung 
at  a  time,  in  a  moving  poflure,  with  a  tomahawk  in  his 
hand,  while  all  the  other  warriors  were  engaged  in  call 
ing  aloud  he-uh,  he-uh,  which  they  conftantly  repeated, 
while  the  war  fong  was  going  on.  When  the  warior 
that  was  ringing  had  ended  his  fong,  he  flruck  a  war 
poft  with  his  tomahawk,  and  with  a  loud  voice  told 
what  warlike  exploits  he  had  done,  and  what  he  now 
intended  to  do,  which  was  anfwered  by  the  other  wari- 
ors,  with  loud  fhouts  of  applaufe.  Some  who  had  not 
before  intended  to  go  to  war,  at  this  time  were  fo  ani 
mated  by  this  performance  that  they  took  up  the  toma 
hawk  and  fung  the  war  fong,  which  was  anfwered  with 
fhouts  of  joy,  as  they  were  then  initiated  into  the  pref- 
ent  marching  company.  The  next  morning  this  com 
pany  all  collected  at  one  place,  with  their  heads  and 
faces  painted  with  various  colors,  and  packs  upon  their 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc. 


backs ;  they  marched  off  all  filent,  except  the  com 
mander,  who,  in  the  front  fang  the  travelling  fong, 
which  began  in  this  manner:  hoo  caught  ainte  heegana. 
Juft  as  the  rear  pafled  the  end  of  the  town,  they  began 
to  fire  in  their  flow  manner,  from  the  front  to  the  rear, 
which  was  accompanied  with  fhouts  and  yells  from  all 
quarters. 

This  evening  I  was  invited  to  another  fort  of  dance, 
which  was  a  kind  of  promifcuous  dance.  The  young 
men  flood  in  one  rank,  and  the  young  women  in 
another,  about  one  rod  apart,  facing  each  other.  The 
one  that  raifed  the  tune,  or  flarted  the  fong,  held  a  fmall 
gourd  or  dry  fhell  of  a  fquafh,  in  his  hand,  which  con 
tained  beads  or  fmall  flones,  which  rattled.  When  he 
began  to  fing,  he  timed  the  tune  with  his  rattle ;  both 
men  and  women  danced  and  fung  together,  advancing 
towards  each  other,  ftooping  until  their  heads  would  be 
touching  together,  and  then  ceafed  from  dancing,  with 
loud  fhouts,  and  retreated  and  formed  again,  and  fo 
repeated  the  fame  thing  over  and  over,  for  three  or  four 
hours,  without  intermiffion.  This  exercife  appeared  to 
me  at  firfl  irrational  and  infipid ;  but  I  found  that  in 
ringing  their  tunes,  they  ufed  ya  ne  no  boo  wa  ne  &c.y 
like  our  fa  Jo  I  lay  and  though  they  have  no  fuch  thing 
as  jingling  verfe,  yet  they  can  intermix  fentences  with 
their  notes,  and  fay  what  they  pleafe  to  each  other, 
and  carry  on  the  tune  in  concert.  I  found  that  this 
was  a  kind  of  wooing  or  courting  dance,  and  as  they 


2O  Col.  James  Smith. 


advanced  {looping  with  their  heads  together,  they  could 
fay  what  they  pleafed  in  each  other's  ear,  without  difcon- 
certing  their  rough  mufic,  and  the  others,  or  thofe  near, 
not  hear  what  they  fay. 

Shortly  after  this  I  went  out  to  hunt,  in  company  with 
Mohawk  Solomon,  fome  of  the  Caughnewagas  and  a  Del 
aware  Indian  that  was  married  to  a  Caughnewaga  fquaw. 
We  travelled  about  fouth,  from  this  town,  and  the  firft 
night  we  killed  nothing,  but  we  had  with  us  green  corn, 
which  we  roafted  and  ate  that  night.  The  next  day  we 
encamped  about  twelve  o'clock,  and  the  hunters  turned 
out  to  hunt,  and  I  went  down  the  run  that  we  encamped 
on,  in  company  with  fome  fquaws  and  boys,  to  hunt 
plumbs,  which  we  found  in  great  plenty.  On  my 
return  to  camp  I  obferved  a  large  piece  of  fat  meat:  the 
Delaware  Indian  that  could  talk  fome  Englim,  obferved 
me  looking  earnestly  at  this  meat,  and  afked  me  what 
meat  you  think  that  is  ?  I  faid  I  fuppofed  it  was  bear 
meat;  he  laughed  and  faid,  ho,  all  one  fool  you,  beal  now 
elly  pool,  and  pointing  to  the  other  fide  of  the  camp,  he 
faid  look  at  that  Jkin,  you  think  that  beal  Jkin?  I  went  and 
lifted  the  fkin,  which  appeared  like  an  ox  hide  :  he  then 
faid,  what  Jkin you  think  that?  I  replied  that  I  thought 
it  was  a  buffaloe  hide ;  he  laughed  and  faid  you  fool 
again,  you  know  nothing,  you  think  buffaloe  that  colo?  I 
acknowledged  I  did  not  know  much  about  thefe  things, 
and  told  Tiim  I  never  faw  a  buffaloe,  and  that  I  had  not 
heard  what  color  they  were.  He  replied  by  and  by  you 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  21 

flialljee  gleat  many  buff  aloe;  He  now  go  to  gleat  lick.  'That 
Jkin  no  buffaloe  Jkin,  that  Jkin  buck-elk  Jkin.  They  went 
out  with  horfes,  and  brought  in  the  remainder  of  this 
buck-elk  which  was  the  fatteft  creature  I  ever  faw  of  the 
tallow  kind. 

We  remained  at  this  camp  about  eight  or  ten  days, 
and  killed  a  number  of  deer.  Though  we  had  neither 
bread  or  fait  at  this  time,  yet  we  had  both  roaft  and 
boiled  meat  in  great  plenty,  and  they  were  frequently 
inviting  me  to  eat,  when  I  had  no  appetite. 

We  then  moved  to  the  buffaloe  lick,  where  we  killed 
feveral  .buffaloe,  and  in  their  fmall  brafs  kettles  they 
made  about  half  a  bufhel  of  fait.  I  fuppofe  this  lick 
was  about  thirty  or  forty  miles  from  the  aforefaid  town, 
and  fomewhere  between  the  Muikingum,  Ohio  and 
Sciota.  About  the  lick  was  clear,  open  woods,  and 
thin  white-oak  land,  and  at  that  time  there  were  large 
roads  leading  to  the  lick,  like  waggon  roads.  We 
moved  from  this  lick  about  fix  or  feven  miles,  and 
encamped  on  a  creek. 

Though  the  Indians  had  given  me  a  gun,  I  had  not 
yet  been  admitted  to  go  out  from  the  camp  to  hunt.  At 
this  place  Mohawk  Solomon  afked  me  to  go  out  with 
him  to  hunt,  which  I  readily  agreed  to.  After  fome 
time  we  came  upon  fome  frefh  buffaloe  tracks.  I  had 
obferved  before  this  that  the  Indians  were  upon  their 
guard,  and  afraid  of  an  enemy;  for,  until  now  they  and 
the  fouthern  nations  had  been  at  war.  As  we  were  fol- 


22  Col.  James  Smith. 


lowing  the  buffaloe  tracks,  Solomon  feemed  to  be  upon 
his  guard,  went  very  flow,  and  would  frequently  ftand 
and  liften,  and  appeared  to  be  in  fufpenfe.  We  came 
to  where  the  tracks  were  very  plain  in  the  fand,  and  I 
faid  it  is  furely  buffaloe  tracks ;  he  faid  hufli,  you  know 
nothing,  may  be  buffaloe  tracks ,  may  be  Catawba.  He 
went  very  cautious  until  we  found  fome  frefh  buffaloe 
dung:  he  then  fmiled  and  faid  Catawba  can  not  make  fo. 
He  then  ftopped  and  told  me  an  odd  ftory  about  the 
Catawbas.  He  faid  that  formerly  the  Catawbas  came 
near  one  of  their  hunting  camps,  and  at  fome  diftance 
from  the  camp  lay  in  ambum,  and  in  order  to  decoy 
them  out,  fent  two  or  three  Catawbas  in  the  night,  pail 
their  camp,  with  buffaloe  hoofs  fixed  on  their  feet,  fo  as 
to  make  artificial  tracks.  In  the  morning  thofe  in  the 
camp  followed  after  thefe  tracks,  thinking  they  were 
Buffaloe,  until  they  were  fired  on  by  the  Catawbas,  and 
feveral  of  them  killed;  the  others  fled,  collected  a  party 
and  purfued  the  Catawbas;  but  they,  in  their  fubtilty 
brought  with  them  rattle-fnake  poifon,  which  they  had 
collected  from  the  bladder  that  lieth  at  the  root  of  the 
makes'  teeth  ;  this  they  had  corked  up  in  a  fhort  piece  of 
cane-ftalk ;  they  had  alfo  brought  with  them  fmall  cane 
or  reed,  about  the  fize  of  a  rye  flraw,  which  they  made 
jfharp  at  the  end  like  a  pen,  and  dipped  them  in  this 
poifon,  and  ftuck  them  in  the  ground  among  the  grafs, 
along  their  own  tracks,  in  fuch  a  pofition  that  they 
might  flick  into  the  legs  of  the  purfuers,  which  anfwered 


Remarkable  Occurrences^  Etc.  23 


the  defign  ;  and  as  the  Catawbas  had  runners  behind  to 
watch  the  motions  of  the  purfuers,  when  they  found 
that  a  number  of  them  were  lame,  being  artificially 
fnake  bit,  and  that  they  were  all  turning  back,  the  Ca 
tawbas  turned  upon  the  purfuers,  and  defeated  them, 
and  killed  and  fcalped  all  those  that  were  lame. — When 
Solomon  had  finimed  this  ftory,  and  found  that  I 
understood  him,  concluded  by  faying,  you  dont  know, 
Catawba  velly  bad  Indian^  Catawba  all  one  Devil  Catawba. 
Some  time  after  this,  I  was  told  to  take  the  dogs 
with  me  and  go  down  the  creek,  perhaps  I  might  kill  a 
turkey  ;  it  being  in  the  afternoon,  I  was  alfo  told  not 
to  go  far  from  the  creek,  and  to  come  up  the  creek 
again  to  the  camp,  and  to  take  care  not  to  get  loft. 
When  I  had  gone  fome  diftance  down  the  creek  I  came 
upon  frefh  buffaloe  tracks,  and  as  I  had  a  number  of  dogs 
with  me  to  flop  the  buffaloe,  I  concluded  I  would  follow 
after  and  kill  one ;  and  as  the  grafs  and  weeds  were 
rank,  I  could  readily  follow  the  track.  A  little  before 
fundown,  I  defpaired  of  coming  up  with  them  :  I  was 
then  thinking  how  I  might  get  to  camp  before  night ; 
I  concluded  as  the  buffaloe  had  made  feveral  turns,  if  I 
took  the  track  back  to  the  creek,  it  would  be  dark 
before  I  could  get  to  camp  ;  therefore  I  thought  I 
would  take  a  near  way  through  the  hills,  and  ftrike 
the  creek  a  little  below  the  camp  ;  but  as  it  was  cloudy 
weather,  and  I  a 'very  young  woodfman,  I  could  find 
neither  creek  or  camp.  When  night  came  on  I  fired 


24  Col.  James  Smith. 


my  gun  feveral  times,  and  hallooed,  but  could  have  no 
anfwer.  The  next  morning  early,  the  Indians  were  out 
after  me,  and  as  I  had  with  me  ten  or  a  dozen  dogs,  and 
the  grafs  and  weeds  rank,  they  could  readily  follow  my 
track.  When  they  came  up  with  me,  they  appeared  to 
be  in  a  very  good  humor.  I  afked  Solomon  if  he 
thought  I  was  running  away,  he  faid  no  no,  you  go  too 
much  clocked.  On  my  return  to  camp  they  took  my  gun 
from  me,  and  for  this  rafh  flep  I  was  reduced  to  a  bow 
and  arrows,  for  near  two  years.  We  were  out  on  this 
tour  about  fix  weeks. 

This  country  is  generally  hilly,  though  intermixed 
with  confiderable  quantities  of  rich  upland,  and  fome 
good  bottoms. 

When  we  returned  to  the  town,  Pluggy  and  his  party 
had  arrived,  and  brought  with  them  a  confiderable  num 
ber  of  fcalps  and  prifoners  from  the  South  Branch  of 
Potomack :  they  alfo  brought  with  them  an  Englifh 
Bible,  which  they  gave  to  a  Dutch  woman  who  was  a 
prifoner;  but  as  me  could  not  read  Englifh,  me  made 
a  prefent  of  it  to  me,  which  was  very  acceptable. 

I  remaind  in  this  town  until  fome  time  in  October, 
when  my  adopted  brother  called  Tontileaugo,  who  had 
married  a  Wiandot  fquaw,  took  me  with  him  to  Lake 
Erie.  We  proceeded  up  the  weft  branch  of  Mufkin- 
gum,  and  for  fome  diftance  up  the  river  the  land  was 
hilly  but  intermixed  with  large  bodies  of  tolerable  rich 
upland,  and  excellent  bottoms.  We  proceeded  on,  to 


Remarkable  Occurrences ,  Etc.  25 

the  headwaters  of  the  weft  branch  of  Mufkingum.  On 
the  head  waters  of  this  branch,  and  from  thence  to  the 
waters  of  Canefadooharie,  there  is  a  large  body  of  rich, 
well  lying  land — the  timber  is  am,  walnut,  fugar-tree, 
buckeye,  honey-locuft  and  cherry,  intermixed  with  fome 
oak,  hickory,  &c. — This  tour  was  at  the  time  that  the 
black-haws  were  ripe,  and  we  were  feldom  out  of  fight 
of  them  :  they  were  common  here  both  in  the  bottoms 
and  upland. 

On  this  route  we  had  no  horfes  with  us,  and  when 
we  ftarted  from  the  town,  all  the  pack  I  carried  was  a 
pouch,  containing  my  books,  a  little  dried  venifon,  and 
my  blanket.  I  had  then  no  gun,  but  Tontileaugo  who 
was  a  firft  rate  hunter,  carried  a  rifle  gun,  and  every 
day  killed  deer,  racoons  or  bears.  We  left  the  meat, 
excepting  a  little  for  prefent  ufe,  and  carried  the  fkins 
with  us  until  we  encamped,  and  then  ftretched  them 
with  elm  bark,  in  a  frame  made  with  poles  ftuck  in  the 
ground  and  tied  together  with  lynn  or  elm  bark ;  and 
when  the  fkins  were  dried  by  the  fire,  we  packed  them 
up,  and  carried  them  with  us  the  next  day. 

As  Tontileaugo  could  not  fpeak  Englifh,  I  had  to 
make  ufe  of  all  the  Caughnewaga  I  had  learned  even  to 
talk  very  imperfectly  with  him  :  but  I  found  I  learned 
to  talk  Indian  fafter  this  way,  than  when  I  had  thofe 
with  me  who  could  fpeak  Englifh. 

As  we  proceeded   down  the  Canefadooharie  waters, 
our  packs  encreafed  by  the  fkins  that  were  daily  killed, 
4 


16  Col.  James  Smith. 


and  became  fo  very  heavy  that  we  could  not  march 
more  than  eight  or  ten  miles  per  day.  We  came  to 
Lake  Erie  about  fix  miles  weft  of  the  mouth  of  Canefa- 
dooharie.  As  the  wind  was  very  high  the  evening  we 
came  to  the  Lake,  I  was  furprized  to  hear  the  roaring 
of  the  water,  and  fee  the  high  waves  that  darned  againft 
the  more,  like  the  Ocean.  We  encamped  on  a  run  near 
the  lake ;  and  as  the  wind  fell  that  night,  the  next 
morning  the  lake  was  only  in  a  moderate  motion,  and 
we  marched  on  the  fand  along  the  fide  of  the  water,  fre 
quently  refting  ourfelves,  as  we  were  heavy  laden.  I 
faw  on  the  ftrand  a  number  of  large  iim,  that  had  been 
left  in  flat  or  hollow  places ;  as  the  wind  fell  and  the 
waves  abated,  they  were  left  without  water,  or  only  a 
fmall  quantity ;  and  numbers  of  Bald  and  Grey  Eagles, 
&c.  were  along  the  more  devouring  them. 

Some  time  in  the  afternoon  we  came  to  a  large  camp 
of  Wiandots,  at  the  mouth  of  Canefadooharie,  where 
Tontileaugo's  wife  was.  Here  we  were  kindly  received: 
they  gave  us  a  kind  of  rough,  brown  potatoes,  which 
grew  fpontaneoufly  and  is  called  by  the  Caughnewagas 
ohnenata.  Thefe  potatoes  peeled  and  dipped  in  ra 
coon's  fat,  tafte  nearly  like  our  fweet-potatoes.  They 
alfo  gave  us  what  they  call  caneheanta,  which  is  a  kind 
of  hominy,  made  of  green  corn,  dried,  and  beans  mixed 
together. 

From  the  head  waters  of  Canefadooharie  to  this  place, 
the  land  is  generally  good ;  chiefly  firft  or  fecond  rate, 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  27 

and,  comparatively,  little  or  no  third  rate.  The  only 
refufe  is  fome  fwamps,  that  appear  to  be  too  wet  for 
ufe,  yet  I  apprehend  that  a  number  of  them,  if  drained, 
would  make  excellent  meadows.  The  timber  is  black- 
oak,  walnut,  hickory,  cherry,  black-am,  white-am,  water- 
am,  buckeye,  black-locuft,  honey-locuft,  fugar-tree,  and 
elm:  there  is  alfo  fome  land,  though,  comparatively,  but 
fmall,  where  the  timber  is  chiefly  white-oak  or  beach — 
this  may  be  called  third  rate.  In  the  bottoms,  and  alfo 
many  places  in  the  upland,  there  is  a  large  quantity  of 
wild  apple,  plumb,  and  red  and  black-haw  trees.  It 
appeared  to  be  well  watered,  and  a  plenty  of  meadow 
ground,  intermixed  with  upland,  but  no  large  prairies 
or  glades,  that  I  faw,  or  heard  of.  In  this  route,  deer, 
bear,  turkeys,  and  racoons,  appeared  plenty,  but  no 
buffaloe,  and  very  little  fign  of  elks. 

We  continued  our  camp  at  the  mouth  of  Canefadoo- 
harie  for  fome  time,  where  we  killed  fome  deer,  and  a 
great  many  racoons;  the  racoons  here  were  remarka 
bly  large  and  fat. — At  length  we  all  embarked  in  a  large 
birch  bark  canoe.  This  veflel  was  about  four  feet  wide, 
and  three  feet  deep,  and  about  five  and  thirty  feet  long: 
and  tho  it  could  carry  a  heavy  burden,  it  was  fo 
artfully  and  curiouily  conftrudled  that  four  men  could 
cary  it  feveral  miles,  or  from  one  landing  place  to  an 
other,  or  from  the  waters  of  the  Lake  to  the  waters  of 
the  Ohio. — We  proceeded  up  Canefadooharie  a  few 
miles  and  went  on  more  to  hunt;  but  to  my  great 


28  Col.   James  Smith. 


furprife  they  carried  the  veflel  that  we  all  came  in  up 
the  bank,  and  inverted  it  or  turned  the  bottom  up, 
and  converted  it  to  a  dwelling  houfe,  and  kindled  a 
fire  before  us  to  warm  ourfelves  by  and  cook.  With 
our  baggage  and  ourfelves  in  this  houfe  we  were  very 

DO     O  J 

much  crouded,  yet  our  little  houfe  turned  off  the  rain 
very  well. 

We  kept  moving  and  hunting  up  this  river  until  we 
came  to  the  falls  ;  here  we  remained  fome  weeks,  and 
killed  a  number  of  deer,  feveral  bears,  and  a  great  many 
racoons.  From  the  mouth  of  this  river  to  the  falls  is 
about  five  and  twenty  miles.  On  our  paflage  up  I  was 
not  much  out  from  the  river,  but  what  I  faw  was  good 
land,  and  not  hilly. 

About  the  falls  is  thin  chefnut  land,  which  is  almoft 
the  only  chefnut  timber  I  ever  faw  in  this  country. 

While  we  remained  here,  I  left  my  pouch  with  my 
books  in  camp,  wrapt  up  in  my  blanket,  and  went  out 
to  hunt  chefnuts.  On  my  return  to  camp  my  books 
were  miffing.  I  enquired  after  them,  and  aiked  the 
Indians  if  they  knew  where  they  were;  they  told  me 
that  they  fuppofed  the  puppies  had  carried  them  off.  I 
did  not  believe  them;  but  thought  they  were  difpleafed 
at  my  poring  over  my  books,  and  concluded  that  they 
had  destroyed  them,  or  put  them  out  of  my  way. 

After  this  I  was  again  out  after  nuts,  and  on  my 
return  beheld  a  new  erection,  which  were  two  white  oak 
faplings,  that  were  forked  about  twelve  feet  high,  and 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  29 

ftood  about  fifteen  feet  apart.  They  had  cut  thefe  fap- 
lings  at  the  forks  and  laid  a  ftrong  pole  acrofs  which 
appeared  in  the  form  of  a  gallows,  and  the  pofts  they 
had  fhaved  very  fmooth  and  painted  in  places  with  ver 
milion.  I  could  not  conceive  the  ufe  of  this  piece  of 
work,  and  at  length  concluded  it  was  a  gallows,  I 
thought  that  I  had  difpleafed  them  by  reading  my 
books,  and  that  they  were  about  puting  me  to  death. — 
The  next  morning  I  obferved  them  bringing  their  {kins 
ail  to  this  place  and  hanging  them  over  this  pole,  fo  as 
to  preferve  them  from  being  injured  by  the  weather, 
this  removed  my  fears.  They  alfo  buried  their  large 
canoe  in  the  ground,  which  is  the  way  they  took  to  pre 
ferve  this  fort  of  a  canoe  in  the  winter  feafon. 

As  we  had  at  this  time  no  horfes,  every  one  got  a 
pack  on  his  back,  and  we  fteered  an  eaft  courfe  about 
twelve  miles,  and  encamped.  The  next  morning  we 
proceeded  on  the  fame  courfe  about  ten  miles  to  a  large 
creek  that  empties  into  Lake  Erie  betwixt  Canefadoo- 
harie,  and  Cayahaga.  Here  they  made  their  winter 
cabbin,  in  the  following  form.  They  cut  logs  about 
fifteen  feet  long,  and  laid  thefe  logs  upon  each  other, 
and  drove  pofts  in  the  ground  at  each  end  to  keep  them 
together;  the  pofts  they  tied  together  at  the  top  with 
bark,  and  by  this  means  raifed  a  wall  fifteen  feet  long, 
and  about  four  feet  high,  and  in  the  fame  manner  they 
raifed  another  wall  oppofite  to  this,  at  about  twelve  feet 
diftance;  then  they  drove  forks  in  the  ground  in  the 


jo  Col.   James  Smith. 


centre  of  each  end,  and  laid  a  ftrong  pole  from  end  to 
end  on  thefe  forks  ;  and  from  thefe  walls  to  the  poles, 
they  fet  up  poles  inftead  of  rafters,  and  on  thefe  they 
tied  fmall  poles  in  place  of  laths  ;  and  a  cover  was  made 
of  lynn  bark  which  will  run  even  in  the  winter  feafon. 

As  every  tree  will  not  run,  they  examine  the  tree  firfr., 
by  trying  it  near  the  ground,  and  when  they  find  it  will 
do,  they  fall  the  tree  and  raife  the  bark  with  the  toma 
hawk,  near  the  top  of  the  tree  about  five  or  fix  inches 
broad,  then  put  the  tomahawk  handle  under  this  bark, 
and  pull  it  along  down  to  the  butt  of  the  tree;  fo  that 
fome  times  one  piece  of  bark  will  be  thirty  feet  long; 
this  bark  they  cut  at  fuitable  lengths  in  order  to  cover 
the  hut. 

At  the  end  of  thefe  walls  they  fet  up  fplit  timber,  fo 
that  they  had  timber  all  round,  excepting  a  door  at 
each  end.  At  the  top,  in  place  of  a  chimney,  they  left 
an  open  place,  and  for  bedding  they  laid  down  the  afore- 
faid  kind  of  bark,  on  which  they  fpread  bear  {kins. 
From  end  to  end  of  this  hut  along  the  middle  there 
were  fires,  which  the  fquaws  made  of  dry  fplit  wood, 
and  the  holes  or  open  places  that  appeared,  the  fquaws 
flopped  with  mofs,  which  they  collected  from  old  logs ; 
and  at  the  door  they  hung  a  bear  fkin;  and  notwith- 
ftanding  the  winters  are  hard  here,  our  lodging  was 
much  better  than  what  I  expected. 

It  was  fome  time  in  December  when  we  finifhed  this 
winter  cabin;  but  when  we  had  got  into  this  compara- 


Remarkable  Occurrences,   Etc.  31 

tively  fine  lodging,  another  difficulty  arofe,  we  had 
nothing  to  eat.  While  I  was  travelling  with  Tontil- 
eaugo,  as  was  before  mentioned,  and  had  plenty  of  fat 
venifon,  bears  meat  and  racoons,  I  then  thought  it 
was  hard  living  without  bread  or  Salt;  but  now  I  began 
to  conclude  that  if  I  had  anything  that  would  banifh 
pinching  hunger,  and  keep  foul  and  body  together  I 
would  be  content. 

While  the  hunters  were  all  out,  exerting  themfelves 
to  the  utmoft  of  their  ability,  the  fquaws  and  boys  (in 
which  clafs  I  was)  were  fcattered  out  in  the  bottoms, 
hunting  red-haws,  black-haws  and  hickory-nuts.  As  it 
was  too  late  in  the  year,  we  did  not  fucceed  in  gather 
ing  haws,  but  we  had  tolerable  fuccefs  in  fcratching  up 
hickory-nuts  from  under  a  light  fnow,  which  we  carried 
with  us  left  the  hunters  mould  not  fucceed.  After  our 
return  the  hunters  came  in,  who  had  killed  only  two 
fmall  turkeys,  which  were  but  little  among  eight  hun 
ters  and  thirteen  fquaws,  boys  and  children; — but  they 
were  divided  with  the  greateft  equity  and  juftice — every 
one  got  their  equal  mare. 

The  next  day  the  hunters  turned  out  again,  and  killed 
one  deer  and  three  bears. 

One  of  the  bears  was  very  large  and  remarkably  fat. 
The  hunters  carried  in  meat  fufficient  to  give  us  all  a 
hearty  fupper  and  breakfaft. 

The  fquaws  and  all  that  could  carry  turned  out  to 
bring  in  meat,  every  one  had  their  mare  afligned  them, 
and  my  load  was  among  the  leaft;  yet,  not  being  accus- 


32  Col.   James  Smith. 


tomed  to  carrying  in  this  way,  I  got  exceeding  weary, 
and  told  them  that  my  load  was  too  heavy,  I  muft 
leave  part  of  it  and  come  for  it  again.  They  made  a 
halt  and  only  laughed  at  me,  and  took  part  of  my  load 
and  added  it  to  a  young  fquaw's,  who  had  as  much 
before  as  I  carried. 

This  kind  of  reproof  had  a  great  tendency  to  excite  me 
to  exert  myfelf  in  carrying  without  complaining,  than  if 
they  had  whipped  me  for  lazinefs.  After  this  the  hunters 
held  a  council  and  concluded  that  they  muft  have  horfesto 
carry  their  loads;  and  that  they  would  go  to  war  even 
in  this  inclement  feafon,  in  order  to  bring  in  horfes. 

Tontileaugo  wifhed  to  be  one  of  thofe  who  mould 
go  to  war;  but  the  votes  went  againft  him,  as  he  was 
one  of  our  beft  hunters  ;  it  was  thought  neceflary  to 
to  leave  him  at  this  winter  camp  to  provide  for  the 
fquaws  and  children;  it  was  agreed  upon  that  Tonti 
leaugo  and  three  others  mould  ftay  and  hunt,  and  the 
other  four  go  to  war. 

They  then  began  to  go  through  their  common  cere 
mony.  They  fung  their  war  fongs  danced  their  war 
dances  &c.  And  when  they  were  equipped  they  went 
off  ringing  their  marching  fongs  and  firing  their  guns. 
Our  camp  appeared  to  be  rejoicing;  but  I  was  grieved 
to  think  that  fome  innocent  perfons  would  be  mur 
dered  not  thinking  of  danger. 

After  the  departure  of  thefe  warriors  we  had  hard 
times,  and  tho  we  were  not  altogether  out  of  provifions 
we  were  brought  to  fhort  allowance.  At  length  Tonti- 


Remarkable  Occurrences ,  Etc.  33 

leaugo  had  considerable  fuccefs ;  and  we  had  meat 
brought  into  camp  fufficient  to  laft  ten  days.  Tonti- 
leaugo  then  took  me  with  him  in  order  to  encamp  fome 
diftance  from  this  winter  cabbin,  to  try  his  luck  there. 
We  carried  no  provision  with  us,  he  faid  we  would 
leave  what  was  there  for  the  fquaws  and  children,  and 
that  we  could  fhift  for  ourfelves.  We  Steered  about  a 
fouth  courfe  up  the  waters  of  this  creek,  and  encamped 
about  ten  or  twelve  miles  from  the  winter  cabbin.  As 
it  was  Still  cold  weather  and  a  cruSt  upon  the  fnow, 
which  made  a  noife  as  we  walked  and  alarmed  the  deer, 
we  could  kill  nothing,  and  confequently  went  to  Sleep 
without  fupper.  The  only  chance  we  had  under  thefe 
circumftances,  was  to  hunt  bear  holes ;  as  the  bears 
about  ChriStmas  fearch  out  a  winter  lodging  place, 
where  they  lie  about  three  or  four  months  without 
eating  or  drinking.  This  may  appear  to  fome  incred 
ible;  but  it  is  now  well  known  to  be  the  cafe,  by  thofe 
who  live  in  the  remote  weStern  parts  of  North  America. 
The  next  morning  early  we  proceeded  on,  and  when 
we  found  a  tree  fcratched  by  the  bears  climbing  up,  and 
the  hole  in  the  tree  fufficiently  large  for  the  reception  of 
the  bear;  we  then  fell  a  fapling  or  fmall  tree  againSt  or 
near  the  hole ;  and  it  was  my  bufmefs  to  climb  up  and 
drive  out  the  bear,  while  Tontileaugo  flood  ready  with 
his  gun  and  bow.  We  went  on  in  this  manner  until 
evening,  without  fuccefs;  at  length  we  found  a  large 
elm  fcratched,  and  a  hole  in  it  about  forty  feet  up;  but 
no  tree  nigh  fuitable  to  lodge  againft  the  hole.  Tonti- 
5 


34  Col.  James  Smith. 


leaugo  got  a  long  pole  and  fome  dry  rotten  wood  which 
he  tied  in  bunches,  with  bark,  and  as  there  was  a  tree 
that  grew  near  the  elm,  and  extended  up  near  the  hole ; 
but  leaned  the  wrong  way;  fo  that  we  could  not  lodge  it 
to  advantage ;  but  to  remedy  this  inconvenience,  he 
climed  up  this  tree  and  carried  with  him  his  rotten 
wood,  fire  and  pole.  The  rotten  wood  he  tied  to  his 
belt,  and  to  one  end  of  the  pole  he  tied  a  hook,  and  a 
piece  of  rotten  wood  which  he  fet  fire  to,  as  it  would 
retain  fire  almoft  like  fpunk;  and  reached  this  hook 
from  limb  to  limb  as  he  went  up;  when  he  got  up,  with 
this  pole  he  put  dry  wood  on  fire  into  the  hole,  after 
he  put  in  the  fire  he  heard  the  bear  muff  and  he  came 
fpeedily  down,  took  his  gun  in  his  hand  and  waited 
until  the  bear  would  come  out;  but  it  was  fome  time 
before  it  appeared,  and  when  it  did  appear  he  attempted 
taking  fight  with  his  rifle,  but  it  being  then  too  dark  to 
fee  the  fights,  he  fet  it  down  by  a  tree,  and  inftantly 
bent  his  bow,  took  hold  of  an  arrow,  and  mot  the  bear 
a  little  behind  the  moulder;  I  was  preparing  alfo  to 
moot  an  arrow,  but  he  called  to  me  to  flop,  there  was 
no  occafion;  and  with  that  the  bear  fell  to  the  ground. 
Being  very  hungry  we  kindled  a  fire,  opened  the 
bear,  took  out  the  liver,  and  wrapped  fome  of  the  caul 
fat  round  and  put  it  on  a  wooden  fpit  which  we  ftuck 
in  the  ground  by  the  fire  to  roaft,  we  then  fkinned  the 
bear,  got  on  our  kettle,  and  had  both  roaft  and  boiled, 
and  alfo  fauce  to  our  meat,  which  appeared  to  me  to  be 


Remarkable  Occurrences ,  Etc.  35 

delicate  fare.  After  I  was  fully  fatisfied  I  went  to  fleep, 
Tontileaugo  awoke  me,  faying,  come  eat  hearty,  we 
have  got  meat  plenty  now. 

The  next  morning  we  cut  down  a  lynn  tree,  peeled 
bark  and  made  a  fnug  little  fhelter,  facing  the  fouth 
eaft,  with  a  large  log  betwixt  us  and  the  north  weft ;  we 
made  a  good  fire  before  us,  and  fcaffolded  up  our  meat 
at  one  fide. — When  we  had  rimmed  our  camp  we  went 
out  to  hunt,  fearched  two  trees  for  bears,  but  to  no 
purpofe.  As  the  fnow  thawed  a  little  in  the  afternoon 
Tontileaugo  killed  a  deer,  which  we  carried  with  us  to 
camp. 

The  next  day  we  turned  out  to  hunt,  and  near  the 
camp  we  found  a  tree  well  fcratched ;  but  the  hole  was 
above  forty  feet  high,  and  no  tree  that  we  could  lodge 
againft  the  hole ;  but  finding  that  it  was  very  hollow, 
we  concluded  that  we  would  cut  down  the  tree  with  our 
tomahawks,  which  kept  us  working  a  confiderable  part 
of  the  day.  When  the  tree  fell  we  ran  up,  Tontileaugo 
with  his  gun  and  bow,  and  I  with  my  bow  ready  bent. 
Tontileaugo  mot  the  bear  through  with  his  rifle,  a  little 
behind  the  moulders,  I  alfo  mot,  but  too  far  back ;  and 
not  being  then  much  accuftomed  to  the  bufinefs,  my 
arrow  penetrated  only  a  few  inches  thro  the  fkin. 
Having  killed  an  old  me  bear  and  three  cubs,  we 
hawled  her  on  the  fnow  to  the  camp,  and  only  had  time 
afterwards,  to  get  wood,  make  a  fire,  cook  &c.  before 
dark. 


36  Col.   James  Smith. 


Early  the  next  morning  we  went  to  bufinefs,  fearched 
feveral  trees,  but  found  no  bears.  On  our  way  home 
we  took  three  racoons  out  of  a  hollow  elm,  not  far  from 
the  ground. 

We  remained  here  about  two  weeks,  and  in  this  time 
killed  four  bears,  three  deer,  feveral  turkeys,  and  a 
number  of  racoons.  We  packed  up  as  much  meat  as 
we  could  carry,  and  returned  to  our  winter  cabin.  On 
our  arrival,  there  was  great  joy,  as  they  were  all  in  a 
ftarving  condition, — the  three  hunters  that  we  had  left 
having  killed  but  very  little. — All  that  could  carry  a 
pack  repaired  to  our  camp  to  bring  in  meat. 

Some  time  in  February  the  four  warriors  returned, 
who  had  taken  two  fcalps,  and  fix  horfes  from  the  fron 
tiers,  of  Pennfylvania.  The  hunters  could  then  fcatter 
out  a  confiderable  diftance  from  the  winter  cabin,  and 
encamp,  kill  meat  and  pack  it  in  upon  horfes ;  fo  that 
we  commonly  after  this  had  plenty  of  provifion. 

In  this  month  we  began  to  make  fugar.  As  fome  of 
the  elm  bark  will  ftrip  at  this  feafon,  the  fquaws  after 
finding  a  tree  that  would  do,  cut  it  down,  and  with  a 
crooked  ftick  broad  and  fharp  at  the  end,  took  the  bark 
off  the  tree,  and  of  this  bark,  made  veflels  in  a  curious 
manner,  that  would  hold  about  two  gallons  each :  they 
made  above  one  hundred  of  thefe  kind  of  vefTels.  In 
the  fugar-tree  they  cut  a  notch,  {looping  down,  and  at 
the  end  of  the  notch,  ftuck  in  a  tomahawk;  in  the  place 
where  they  ftuck  the  tomahawk,  they  drove  a  long  chip, 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  37 

in  order  to  carry  the  water  out  from  the  tree,  and  under 
this  they  fet  their  veflel,  to  receive  it.  As  fugar  trees 
were  plenty  and  large  here,  they  feldom  or  never  notched 
a  tree  that  was  not  two  or  three  feet  over.  They  alfo 
made  bark  veflels  for  carrying  the  water,  that  would 
hold  about  four  gallons  each.  They  had  two  brafs 
kettles,  that  held  about  fifteen  gallons  each,  and  other 
fmaller  kettles  in  which  they  boiled  the  water.  But  as 
they  could  not  at  all  times  boil  away  the  water  as  fafl  as 
it  was  collected,  they  made  veflels  of  bark,  that  would 
hold  about  one  hundred  gallons  each,  for  retaining  the 
water ;  and  tho'  the  fugar  trees  did  not  run  every  day, 
they  had  always  a  fufficient  quantity  of  water  to  keep 
them  boiling  during  the  whole  fugar  feafon. 

The  way  that  we  commonly  ufed  our  fugar  while  en 
camped,  was  by  putting  it  in  bears  fat  until  the  fat  was 
almoft  as  fweet  as  the  fugar  itfelf,  and  in  this  we  dipped 
our  roafted  venifon.  About  this  time  fome  of  the 
Indian  lads  and  myfelf,  were  employed  in  making  and 
attending  traps  for  catching  racoons,  foxes,  wild  cats,  &c. 

As  the  racoon  is  a  kind  of  water  animal,  that  fre 
quents  the  runs,  or  fmall  water-courfes,  almoft  the 
whole  night,  we  made  our  traps  on  the  runs,  by  laying 
one  fmall  fapling  on  another,  and  driving  in  ports  to 
keep  them  from  rolling.  The  upper  fapling  we  raifed 
about  eighteen  inches,  and  fet  fo,  that  on  the  racoons 
touching  a  firing,  or  fmall  piece  of  bark,  the  fapling 
would  fall  and  kill  it ;  and  left  the  racoon  mould  pafs 


3  8  Col.  James  Smith. 


by,  we  laid  brufh  on  both  fides  of  the  run,  only  leaving 
the  channel  open. 

The  fox  traps  we  made  nearly,  in  the  fame  manner, 
at  the  end  of  a  hollow  log,  or  oppofite  to  a  hole  at  the 
root  of  a  hollow  tree,  and  put  venifon  on  a  flick  for 
bait :  we  had  it  fo  fet  that  when  the  fox  took  hold  of 
the  meat,  the  trap  fell.  While  the  fquaws  were  em 
ployed  in  making  fugar,  the  boys  and  men  were  engaged 
in  hunting  and  trapping. 

About  the  latter  end  of  March  we  began  to  prepare 
for  moving  into  town,  in  order  to  plant  corn :  the 
fquaws  were  then  frying  the  lafl  of  their  bears  fat,  and 
making  veffels  to  hold  it :  the  veffels  were  made  of  deer 
fkins,  which  were  fkinned  by  pulling  the  fkin  off  the 
neck,  without  ripping.  After  they  had  taken  off  the 
hair,  they  gathered  it  in  fmall  plaits  round  the  neck  and 
with  a  ftring  drew  it  together  like  a  purfe:  in  the  centre 
a  pin  was  put,  below  which  they  tied  a  firing,  and  while 
it  was  wet  they  blew  it  up  like  a  bladder,  and  let  it  re 
main  in  this  manner,  until  it  was  dry,  when  it  appeared 
nearly  in  the  fhape  of  a  fugar  loaf,  but  more  rounding 
at  the  lower  end.  One  of  thefe  veffels  would  hold 
about  four  or  five  gallons  ;  in  thefe  veffels  it  was  they 
carried  their  bears  oil. 

When  all  things  were  ready  we  moved  back  to  the 
falls  of  Canefadooharie.  In  this  route  the  land  is 
chiefly  firfl  and  fecond  rate,  but  too  much  meadow 
ground,  in  proportion  to  the  up  land.  The  timber  is 


Remarkable   Occurrences,   Etc.  39 

white-afh,  elm,  black-oak,  cherry,  buckeye,  fugar-tree, 
lynn,  mulberry,  beech,  white-oak,  hickory,  wild  apple- 
tree,  red-haw,  black-haw,  and  fpicewood  bufhes.  There 
is  in  fome  places,  fpots  of  beech  timber,  which  fpots 
may  be  called  third  rate  land.  Buckeye,  fugar-tree, 
and  fpicewood,  are  common  in  the  woods  here. 
There  is  in  fome  places,  large  fwamps  too  wet  for  any 
ufe. 

On  our  arrival  at  the  falls,  (as  we  had  brought  with 
us  on  horfe  back,  about  two  hundred  weight  of  fugar,  a 
large  quantity  of  bears  oil,  fkins,  &c.)  the  canoe  we 
had  buried  was  not  fufficient  to  carry  all;  therefore 
we  were  obliged  to  make  another  one  of  elm  bark. 
While  we  lay  here  a  young  Wiandot  found  my  books: 
on  this  they  collected  together;  I  was  a  little  way  from 
the  camp,  and  faw  the  collection,  but  did  not  know 
what  it  meant.  They  called  me  by  my  Indian  name, 
which  was  Scoouwa,  repeatedly.  I  ran  to  fee  what 
was  the  matter,  they  mewed  me  my  books,  and  faid 
they  were  glad  they  had  been  found,  for  they  knew  I 
was  grieved  at  the  lofs  of  them,  and  that  they  now  re 
joiced  with  me  becaufe  they  were  found.  As  I  could 
then  fpeak  fome  Indian,  efpecially  Caughnewaga  (for 
both  that  and  the  Wiandot  tongue  were  fpoken  in  this 
camp)  I  told  them  that  I  thanked  them  for  the  kind- 
nefs  they  had  always  fhewn  to  me,  and  alfo  for  finding 
my  books.  They  afked  if  the  books  were  damaged  ?  I 
told  them  not  much.  They  then  mewed  how  they  lay, 


40  Col.  James  Smith. 


which  was  in  the  beft  manner  to  turn  off  the  water.  In 
a  deer-ikin  pouch  they  lay  all  winter.  The  print  was 
not  much  injured,  though  the  binding  was. — This  was 
the  firft  time  that  I  felt  my  heart  warm  towards  the 
Indians.  Though  they  had  been  exceeding  kind  to  me, 
I  ftill  before  detefted  them,  on  account  of  the  barbarity 
I  beheld  after  Braddock's  defeat.  Neither  had  I  ever 
before  pretended  kindnefs,  or  expreffed  myelf  in  a 
friendly  manner ;  but  I  began  now  to  excufe  the  Indians 
on  account  of  their  want  of  information. 

When  we  were  ready  to  embark,  Tontileaugo  would 
not  go  to  town,  but  go  up  the  river  and  take  a  hunt. 
He  afked  me  if  I  choofed  to  go  with  him  ?  I  told  him 
I  did.  We  then  got  fome  fugar,  bears  oil  bottled  up 
in  a  bear's  gut,  and  fome  dry  venifon,  which  we  packed 
up,  and  went  up  Canefadooharie,  about  thirty  miles, 
and  encamped.  At  this  time  I  did  not  know  either  the 
day  of  the  week  or  the  month ;  but  I  fuppofed  it  to  be 
about  the  firft  of  April.  We  had  confiderable  fuccefs 
in  our  bufinefs.  We  alfo  found  fome  ftray  horfes,  or  a 
horfe,  mare,  and  a  young  colt ;  and  though  they  had 
run  in  the  woods  all  winter,  they  were  in  exceeding 
good  order.  There  is  plenty  of  grafs  here  all  winter, 
under  the  fnow,  and  horfes  accuftomed  to  the  woods 
can  work  it  out. — Thefe  horfes  had  run  in  the  woods 
until  they  were  very  wild. 

Tontileaugo  one  night  concluded  that  we  muft  run 
them  down.  I  told  him  I  thought  we  could  not  ac- 


Remarkable  Occurrences^  Etc.  41 

complim  it.  He  faid  he  had  run  down  bears,  buffaloes 
and  elks  :  and  in  the  great  plains,  with  only  a  fmall 
fnow  on  the  ground,  he  had  run  down  a  deer ;  and  he 
thought  that  in  one  whole  day,  he  could  tire,  or  run 
down  any  four  footed  animal  except  a  wolf.  I  told  him 
that  though  a  deer  was  the  fwifteft  animal  to  run  a 
mort  diftance,  yet  it  would  tire  fooner  than  a  horfe. 
He  faid  he  would  at  all  events  try  the  experiment.  He 
had  heard  the  Wiandots  fay,  that  I  could  run  well,  and 
now  he  would  fee  whether  I  could  or  not.  I  told  him 
that  I  never  had  run  all  day,  and  of  courfe  was  not 
accuftomed  to  that  way  of  running.  I  never  had  run 
with  the  Wiandots  more  than  feven  or  eight  miles  at 
one  time.  He  faid  that  was  nothing,  we  muft  either 
catch  thefe  horfes  or  run  all  day. 

In  the  morning  early  we  left  camp,  and  about  funrife 
we  ftarted  after  them,  ftripped  naked  excepting  breech- 
clouts  and  mockafons.  About  ten  o'clock  I  loft  fight 
of  both  Tontileaugo  and  the  horfes,  and  did  not  fee 
them  again  until  about  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon. 
As  the  horfes  run  all  day,  in  about  three  or  four  miles 
fquare,  at  length  they  paffed  where  I  was,  and  I  fell  in 
clofe  after  them.  As  I  then  had  a  long  reft,  I  endeav 
ored  to  keep  ahead  of  Tontileaugo,  and  after  fome 
time  I  could  hear  him  after  me  calling  chakoh,  chako- 
anaugh,  which  fignifies,  pull  away  or  do  your  beft.  We 
purfued  on,  and  after  fome  time  Tontileaugo  pafled  me, 
and  about  an  hour  before  fundown,  we  defpaired  of 
6 


42  Col.  James  Smith. 


catching  thefe  horfes  and  returned  to  camp  where  we 
had  left  our  clothes. 

I  reminded  Tontileaugo  of  what  I  had  told  him;  he 
replied  he  did  not  know  what  horfes  could  do.  They 
are  wonderful  flrong  to  run;  but  withal  we  made  them 
very  tired.  Tontileaugo  then  concluded,  he  would  do  as 
the  Indians  did  with  wild  horfes,  when  out  at  war:  which 
is  to  moot  them  through  the  neck  under  the  mane,  and 
above  the  bone,  which  will  caufe  them  to  fall  and  lie 
until  they  can  halter  them,  and  then  they  recover  again. 
This  he  attempted  to  do;  but  as  the  mare  was  very 
wild,  he  could  not  get  fufficiently  nigh  to  moot  her  in 
the  proper  place;  however  he  mot,  the  ball  pafTed  too 
low,  and  killed  her.  As  the  horfe  and  colt  flayed  at 
this  place,  we  caught  the  horfe,  and  took  him  and  the 
colt  with  us  to  camp. 

We  flayed  at  this  camp  about  two  weeks,  and  killed 
a  number  of  bears,  racoons,  and  fome  beavers.  We 
made  a  canoe  of  elm  bark,  and  Tontileaugo  embarked 
in  it.  He  arrived  at  the  falls  that  night;  whilfl  I, 
mounted  on  horfe  back,  with  a  bear  fkin  faddle,  and 
bark  flirrups,  proceeded  by  land  to  the  falls:  I  came 
there  the  next  morning,  and  we  carried  our  canoe  and 
loading  pafl  the  falls. 

The  river  is  very  rapid  for  fome  diflance  above  the 
falls,  which  are  about  twelve  or  fifteen  feet  nearly  per 
pendicular.  This  river,  called  Canefadooharie,  inter 
locks  with  the  Wefl  branch  of  Mufkingum,  runs  nearly 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  43 

a  north  courfe,  and  empties  into  the  fouth  fide  of  Lake 
Erie,  about  eighty  miles  eaft  from  Sandufky,  or  betwixt 
Sandufky  and  Cayahaga. 

On  this  laft  route  the  land  is  nearly  the  fame,  as  that 
laft  defcribed,  only  there  is  not  fo  much  fwampy  or 
wet  ground. 

We  again  proceeded  towards  the  lake,  I  on  horfe 
back,  and  Tontileaugo  by  water.  Here  the  land  is 
generally  good,  but  I  found  fome  difficulty  in  getting 
round  fwamps  and  ponds.  When  we  came  to  the  lake 
I  proceeded  along  the  ftrand,  and  Tontileaugo  near  the 
more,  fometimes  paddling  and  fometimes  polling  his 
canoe  along. 

After  fome  time  the  wind  arofe,  and  he  went  into  the 
mouth  of  a  fmall  creek  and  encamped.  Here  we  ftaid 
feveral  days  on  account  of  high  wind,  which  raifed  the 
lake  in  great  billows.  While  we  were  here  Tontileaugo 
went  out  to  hunt,  and  when  he  was  gone  a  Wiandot 
came  to  our  camp;  I  gave  him  a  moulder  of  venifon 
which  I  had  by  the  fire  well  roafted,  and  he  received  it 
gladly,  told  me  he  was  hungry,  and  thanked  me  for  my 
kindnefs.  When  Tontileaugo  came  home,  I  told  him 
that  a  Wiandot  had  been  at  camp,  and  that  I  gave  him 
a  moulder  of  roafted  venifon :  he  faid  that  was  very 
well,  and  I  fuppofe  you  gave  him  alfo  fugar  and  bears 
oil,  to  eat  with  his  venifon.  I  told  him  I  did  not;  as 
the  fugar  and  bears  oil  was  down  in  the  canoe  I  did  not 
go  for  it.  He  replied  you  have  behaved  juft  like  a 


44  Col.  James  Smith. 


Dutchman.*  Do  you  not  know  that  when  ilrangers 
come  to  our  camp,  we  ought  always  to  give  them  the 
beft  that  we  have?  I  acknowledged  that  I  was  wrong. 
He  faid  that  he  could  excufe  this,  as  I  was  but  young; 
but  I  muft  learn  to  behave  like  a  warrior,  and  do  great 
things,  and  never  be  found  in  any  fuch  little  actions. 

The  lake  being  again  calm,f  we  proceeded,  and  arrived 
fafe  at  Sunyendeand,  which  was  a  Wiandot  town,  that 
lay  upon  a  fmall  creek  which  empties  into  the  Little 
Lake  below  the  mouth  of  Sandufky. 

The  town  was  about  eighty  rood  above  the  mouth  of 
the  creek,  on  the  fouth  fide  of  a  large  plain,  on  which 
timber  grew,  and  nothing  more  but  grafs  or  nettles.  In 
fome  places  there  were  large  flats,  where  nothing  but 
grafs  grew,  about  three  feet  high  when  grown,  and  in 
other  places  nothing  but  nettles,  very  rank,  where  the 
foil  is  extremely  rich  and  loofe — here  they  planted  corn. 
In  this  town  there  were  alfo  French  traders,  who  pur- 
chafed  our  {kins  and  fur,  and  we  all  got  new  clothes, 
paint,  tobacco,  &c. 

After  I  had  got  my  new  clothes,  and  my  head  done 
off  like  a  red-headed  wood-pecker,  I,  in  company  with  a 
number  of  young  Indians,  went  down  to  the  corn  field, 


*  The  Dutch  he  called  Skoharehaugo,  which  took  its  derivation  from 
a  Dutch  fettlement  called  Skoharey. 

•(•The  lake  when  calm,  appears  to  be  of  a  Iky  blue  colour;  though 
when  lifted  in  a  veflel,  it  is  like  other  clear  water. 


Remarkable  Occurrences^  Etc.  45 

to  fee  the  fquaws  at  work.  When  we  came  there,  they 
afked  me  to  take  a  hoe,  which  I  did,  and  hoed  for  fome 
time.  The  fquaws  applauded  me  as  a  good  hand  at  the 
bufinefs;  but  when  I  returned  to  the  town,  the  old  men 
hearing  of  what  I  had  done,  chid  me,  and  faid  that  I 
was  adopted  in  the  place  of  a  great  man,  and  muft  not 
hoe  corn  like  a  fquaw.  They  never  had  occasion  to 
reprove  me  for  any  thing  like  this  again;  as  I  never 
was  extremely  fond  of  work,  I  readily  complied  with 
their  orders. 

As  the  Indians  on  their  return  from  the  winter  hunt, 
bring  in  with  them  large  quantities  of  bears  oil,  fugar, 
dried  venifon,  &c.,  at  this  time  they  have  plenty,  and 
do  not  fpare  eating  or  giving — thus  they  make  way 
with  their  provifion  as  quick  as  poffible.  They  have 
no  fuch  thing  as  regular  meals,  breakfaft,  dinner  or 
fupper;  but  if  any  one,  even  the  town  folks,  would  go 
to  the  fame  houfe,  feveral  times  in  one  day,  he  would 
be  invited  to  eat  of  the  beft — and  with  them  it  is  bad 
manners  to  refufe  to  eat  when  it  is  offered.  If  they 
will  not  eat  it  is  interpreted  as  a  fymptom  of  difpleafure, 
or  that  the  perfons  refuting  to  eat  were  angry  with  thofe 
who  invited  them. 

At  this  time  homony,  plentifully  mixed  with  bears 
oil  and  fugar;  or  dried  venifon,  bears  oil  and  fugar, 
is  what  they  offer  to  every  one  who  comes  in  any  time 
of  the  day;  and  fo  they  go  on  until  their  fugar,  bear's 
oil  and  venifon  is  all  gone,  and  then  they  have  to  eat 


46  CoL  James  Smith. 


homony  by  itfelf,  without  bread,  fait,  or  any  thing  elfe; 
yet,  fbill  they  invite  every  one  that  comes  in,  to  eat 
whilft  they  have  any  thing  to  give.  It  is  thought  a 
mame,  not  to  invite  people  to  eat,  while  they  have  any 
thing;  but,  if  they  can  in  truth,  only  fay  we  have  got 
nothing  to  eat,  this  is  accepted  as  an  honorable  apology. 
All  the  hunters  and  warriors  continued  in  town  about 
fix  weeks  after  we  came  in:  they  fpent  this  time  in 
painting,  going  from  houfe  to  houfe,  eating,  fmoking, 
and  playing  at  a  game  refembling  dice,  or  huflle-cap. 
They  put  a  number  of  plumb-Hones  in  a  fmall  bowl; 
one  fide  of  each  ftone  is  black,  and  the  other  white; 
they  then  make  or  huftle  the  bowl,  calling,  hits,  hits,  hits, 
honefey,  honefey,  rago,  rago;  which  fignifies  calling  for 
white  or  black,  or  what  they  wim  to  turn  up ;  they  then 
turn  the  bowl,  and  count  the  whites  and  blacks.  Some 
were  beating  their  kind  of  drum,  and  finging;  others 
were  employed  in  playing  on  a  fort  of  flute,  made  of 
hollow  cane;  and  others  playing  on  the  jewf-harp. 
Some  part  of  this  time  was  alfo  taken  up  in  attending 
the  council  houfe,  where  the  chiefs,  and  as  many  others 
as  chofe,  attended  ;  and  at  night  they  were  frequently 
employed  in  finging  and  dancing.  Towards  the  laft  of 
this  time,  which  was  in  June,  1756,  they  were  all  en 
gaged  in  preparing  to  go  to  war  againft  the  frontiers  of 
Virginia:  when  they  were  equipped,  they  went  through 
their  ceremonies,  fung  their  war  fongs,  &c.  They  all 
marched  off,  from  fifteen  to  fixty  years  of  age;  and 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  47 

fome  boys  only  twelve  years  old,  were  equipped  with 
their  bows  and  arrows,  and  went  to  war;  fo  that  none 
were  left  in  town  but  fquaws  and  children,  except  my- 
felf,  one  very  old  man,  and  another  about  fifty  years  of 
age,  who  was  lame. 

The  Indians  were  then  in  great  hopes  that  they  would 
drive  all  the  Virginians  over  the  lake,  which  is  all  the 
name  they  know  for  the  fea.  They  had  fome  caufe  for 
this  hope,  becaufe  at  this  time,  the  Americans  were  alto 
gether  unacquainted  with  war  of  any  kind,  and  confe- 
quently  very  unfit  to  ftand  their  hand  with  fuch  fubtil 
enemies  as  the  Indians  were.  The  two  old  Indians  afked 
me  if  I  did  not  think  that  the  Indians  and  French  would 
fubdue  all  America,  except  New  England,  which  they 
faid  they  had  tried  in  old  times.  I  told  them  I  thought 
not :  they  faid  they  had  already  drove  them  all  out  of 
the  mountains,  and  had  chiefly  laid  wafte  the  great  val 
ley  betwixt  the  North  and  South  mountain,  from  Poto- 
mack  to  James  River,  which  is  a  confiderable  part  of 
the  befl  land  in  Virginia,  Maryland,  and  Pennfylvania, 
and  that  the  white  people  appeared  to  them  like  fools ; 
they  could  neither  guard  againft  furprife,  run,  or  fight. 
Thefe  they  faid  were  their  reafons  for  faying  that  they 
would  fubdue  the  whites.  They  afked  me  to  offer  my 
reafons  for  my  opinion,  and  told  me  to  fpeak  my  mind 
freely.  I  told  them  that  the  white  people  to  the  Eaft 
were  very  numerous,  like  the  trees,  and  though  they 
appeared  to  them  to  be  fools,  as  they  were  not 


48  Col.  James  Smith. 


acquainted  with  their  way  of  war,  yet  they  were  not  fools; 
therefore  after  fome  time  they  will  learn  your  mode  of 
war,  and  turn  upon  you,  or  at  leaft  defend  themfelves. 
I  found  that  the  old  men  themfelves  did  not  believe 
they  could  conquer  America,  yet  they  were  willing  to 
propagate  the  idea,  in  order  to  encourage  the  young 
men  to  go  to  war. 

When  the  warriors  left  this  town  we  had  neither 
meat,  fugar,  or  bears  oil,  left.  All  that  we  had  then 
to  live  on  was  corn  pounded  into  coarfe  meal  or  fmall 
homony — this  they  boiled  in  water,  which  appeared  like 
well-thickened  foup,  without  fait  or  any  thing  elfe.  For 
fome  time,  we  had  plenty  of  this  kind  of  homony ;  at 
length  we  were  brought  to  very  fhort  allowance,  and  as 
the  warriors  did  not  return  as  foon  as  they  expected, 
we  were  in  a  ftarving  condition,  and  but  one  gun  in 
the  town,  and  very  little  amunition.  The  old  lame 
Wiandot  concluded  that  he  would  go  a  hunting  in  a 
canoe,  and  take  me  with  him,  and  try  to  kill  deer  in  the 
water,  as  it  was  then  watering  time.  We  went  up  San- 
dufky  a  few  miles,  then  turned  up  a  creek  and  en 
camped.  We  had  lights  prepared,  as  we  were  to  hunt 
in  the  night,  and  alfo  a  piece  of  bark  and  fome  bufhes 
fet  up  in  the  canoe,  in  order  to  conceal  ourfelves  from 
the  deer.  A  little  boy  that  was  with  us,  held  the  light, 
I  worked  the  canoe,  and  the  old  man,  who  had  his  gun 
loaded  with  large  mot,  when  we  came  near  the  deer, 
fired,  and  in  this  manner  killed  three  deer,  in  part  of 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  49 

one  night.  We  went  to  our  fire,  ate  heartily,  and  in 
the  morning  returned  to  town,  in  order  to  relieve  the 
hungry  and  diftrefled. 

When  we  came  to  town,  the  children  were  crying  bit 
terly  on  account  of  pinching  hunger.  We  delivered 
what  we  had  taken,  and  though  it  was  but  little  among 
fo  many,  it  was  divided  according  to  the  ftridleft  rules 
of  juftice.  We  immediately  fet  out  for  another  hunt, 
but  before  we  returned  a  part  of  the  warriors  had  come 
in,  and  brought  with  them  on  horfe-back,  a  quantity  of 
meat.  Thefe  warriors  had  divided  into  different  parties, 
and  all  flruck  at  different  places  in  Augufta  county. 
They  brought  in  with  them  a  confiderable  number  of 
fcalps,  prifoners,  horfes,  and  other  plunder.  One  of 
the  parties  brought  in  with  them,  one  Arthur  Campbell, 
that  is  now  Col.  Campbell,  who  lives  on  Holflon  River, 
near  the  Royal-Oak.  As  the  Wiandots  at  Sunyende- 
and,  and  thofe  at  Detroit  were  connected,  Mr.  Camp 
bell  was  taken  to  Detroit ;  but  he  remained  fome  time 
with  me  in  this  town :  his  company  was  very  agreeable, 
and  I  was  forry  when  he  left  me.  During  his  ftay  at 
Sunyendeand  he  borrowed  my  Bible,  and  made  fome 
pertinent  remarks  on  what  he  had  read.  One  paflage 
was  where  it  is  faid,  "It  is  good  for  a  man  that  he  bear 
the  yoke  in  his  youth."  He  faid  we  ought  to  be  re- 
figned  to  the  will  of  Providence,  as  we  were  now  bear 
ing  the  yoke,  in  our  youth.  Mr.  Campbell  appeared 
to  be  then  about  fixteen  or  feventeen  years  of  age. 
7 


50  Col.  James  Smith. 


There  was  a  number  of  prifoners  brought  in  by  thefe 
parties,  and  when  they  were  to  run  the  gauntlet,  I  went 
and  told  them  how  they  were  to  act.  One  John  Savage 
was  brought  in,  a  middle-aged  man,  or  about  forty 
years  old.  He  was  to  run  the  gauntlet.  I  told  him 
what  he  had  to  do;  and  after  this  I  fell  into  one  of  the 
ranks  with  the  Indians,  fhouting  and  yelling  like  them; 
and  as  they  were  not  very  fevere  on  him,  as  he  patted 
me,  I  hit  him  with  a  piece  of  pumpkin — which  pleafed 
the  Indians  much,  but  hurt  my  feelings. 

About  the  time  that  thefe  warriors  came  in,  the  green 
corn  was  beginning  to  be  of  ufe;  fo  that  we  had  either 
green  corn  or  venifon,  and  fometimes  both — which  was 
comparatively  high  living.  When  we  could  have  plenty 
of  green  corn,  or  roafting-ears,  the  hunters  became  lazy, 
and  fpent  their  time  as  already  mentioned,  in  ringing 
and  dancing  &c.  They  appeared  to  be  fulfilling  the 
fcriptures  beyond  thofe  who  profefs  to  believe  them,  in 
that  of  taking  no  thought  of  to-morrow:  and  alfo  in 
living  in  love,  peace  and  friendfhip  together,  without 
difputes.  In  this  refpect  they  mame  thofe  who  profefs 
Chriftianity. 

In  this  manner  we  lived,  until  October,  then  the 
geefe,  fwans,  ducks,  cranes,  &c.  came  from  the  north, 
and  alighted  on  this  little  Lake,  without  number  or 
innumerable.  Sunyendeand  is  a  remarkable  place  for 
fifh,  in  the  fpring,  and  fowl  both  in  the  fall  and  fpring. 

As  our  hunters  were  now  tired  with  indolence,  and 


Remarkable  Occurrences ,  Etc.  51 

fond  of  their  own  kind  of  exercife,  they  all  turned  out 
to  fowling,  and  in  this  could  fcarce  mifs  of  fuccefs  ;  fo 
that  we  had  now  plenty  of  homony  and  the  beft  of 
fowls;  and  fometimes  as  a  rarity  we  had  a  little  bread, 
which  was  made  of  Indian  corn  meal,  pounded  in  a 
homony-block,  mixed  with  boiled  beans,  and  baked  in 
cakes  under  the  ames. 

This,  with  us  was  called  good  living,  though  not 
equal  to  our  fat,  roafted  and  boiled  venifon,  when  we 
went  to  the  woods  in  the  fall ;  or  bears  meat  and  beaver 
in  the  winter;  or  fugar,  bears  oil,  and  dry  venifon  in 
the  fpring. 

Some  time  in  October,  another  adopted  brother,  older 
than  Tontileaugo,  came  to  pay  us  a  vifit  at  Sunyende- 
and,  and  he  afked  me  to  take  a  hunt  with  him  on  Cay- 
ahaga.  As  they  always  ufed  me  as  a  free  man,  and  gave 
me  the  liberty  of  choofing,  I  told  him  that  I  was  at 
tached  to  Tontileaugo — had  never  feen  him  before,  and 
therefore,  aiked  fometime  to  confider  of  this.  He  told 
me  that  the  party  he  was  going  with  would  not  be  along, 
or  at  the  mouth  of  this  little  lake,  in  lefs  than  fix  days, 
and  I  could  in  this  time  be  acquainted  with  him,  and 
judge  for  myfelf.  I  confulted  with  Tontileaugo  on  this 
occafion,  and  he  told  me  that  our  old  brother  Tecaugh- 
retanego,  (which  was  his  name)  was  a  chief,  and  a  better 
man  than  he  was  ;  and  if  I  went  with  him  I  might  ex 
pect  to  be  well  ufed,  but  he  faid  I  might  do  as  I  pleafed ; 
and  if  I  flaid  he  would  ufe  me  as  he  had  done.  I  told 


52  Col.  James  Smith. 


him  that  he  had  acted  in  every  refpect  as  a  brother  to 
me ;  yet  I  was  much  pleafed  with  my  old  brother's  con 
duct  and  converfation ;  and  as  he  was  going  to  a  part  of 
the  country  I  had  never  been  in,  I  wifhed  to  go  with 
him — he  faid  that  he  was  perfectly  willing. 

I  then  went  with  Tecaughretanego  to  the  mouth  of 
the  little  lake,  where  he  met  with  the  company  he  in 
tended  going  with,  which  was  compofed  of  Caughne- 
wagas,  and  Ottawas.  Here  I  was  introduced  to  a 
Caughnewaga  fitter,  and  others  I  had  never  before  feen. 
My  fitter's  name  was  Mary,  which  they  pronounced 
Maully.  I  afked  Tecaughretanego  how  it  came  that  me 
had  an  Englifh  name ;  he  faid  that  he  did  not  know 
that  it  was  an  Englifh  name  ;  but  it  was  the  name  the 
prieft  gave  her  when  me  was  baptized,  which  he  faid  was 
the  name  of  the  mother  of  Jefus.  He  faid  there  were 
a  great  many  of  the  Caughnewagas  and  Wiandots,  that 
were  a  kind  of  half  Roman  Catholics ;  but  as  for  him- 
felf,  he  faid,  that  the  prieft  and  him  could  not  agree ; 
as  they  held  notions  that  contradicted  both  fenfe  and 
reafon,  and  had  the  aflurance  to  tell  him,  that  the  book 
of  God,  taught  them  thefe  foolifh  abfurdities :  but  he 
could  not  believe  the  great  and  good  fpirit  ever  taught 
them  any  fuch  nonfenfe:  and  therefore  he  concluded 
that  the  Indians'  old  religion  was  better  than  this  new 
way  of  worshiping  God. 

The  Ottawas  have  a  very  ufeful  kind  of  tents  which 
they  carry  with  them,  made  of  flags,  plaited  and  ftitched 


Remarkable  Occurrences,   Etc.  53 

together  in  a  very  artful  manner,  fo  as  to  turn  rain,  or 
wind  well — each  mat  is  made  fifteen  feet  long  and  about 
five  feet  broad.  In  order  to  erect  this  kind  of  tent, 
they  cut  a  number  of  long,  ftraight  poles,  which  they 
drive  in  the  ground,  in  form  of  a  circle,  leaning  inwards; 
then  they  fpread  the  matts  on  thefe  poles — beginning 
at  the  bottom  and  extending  up,  leaving  only  a  hole  in 
the  top  uncovered — and  this  hole  anfwers  the  place  of  a 
chimney.  They  make  a  fire  of  dry,  fplit  wood,  in  the 
middle,  and  fpread  down  bark  mats  and  ikins  for  bed 
ding,  on  which  they  fleep  in  a  crooked  pofture,  all 
round  the  fire,  as  the  length  of  their  beds  will  not  admit 
of  ftretching  themfelves.  In  place  of  a  door  they  lift 
up  one  end  of  a  mat  and  creep  in,  and  let  the  mat  fall 
down  behind  them. 

Thefe  tents  are  warm  and  dry,  and  tolerable  clear  of 
fmoke.     Their  lumber  they  keep  under  birch-bark  ca 
noes,  which  they  carry  out  and  turn  up  for  a  fhelter, 
where  they  keep  every  thing  from  the  rain.      Nothing 
is  in  the  tents  but  themfelves  and  their  bedding. 

This  company  had  four  birch  canoes  and  four  tents. 
We  were  kindly  received,  and  they  gave  us  plenty  of 
homony,  and  wild  fowl,  boiled  and  roafted.  As  the 
geefe,  ducks,  fwans,  &c.  here  are  well  grain-fed,  they 
were  remarkably  fat  efpecially  the  green  necked  ducks. 

The  wild  fowl  here  feed  upon  a  kind  of  wild  rice, 
that  grows  fpontaneoufly  in  the  mallow  water,  or  wet 
places  along  the  fides  or  in  the  corners  of  the  lakes. 


54  CoL   James  Smith. 


As  the  wind  was  high  and  we  could  not  proceed  on 
our  voyage,  we  remained  here  feveral  days,  and  killed 
abundance  of  wild  fowl,  and  a  number  of  racoons. 

When  a  company  of  Indians  are  moving  together  on 
the  lake,  as  it  is  at  this  time  of  the  year  often  danger 
ous  failing,  the  old  men  hold  a  council ;  and  when  they 
agree  to  embark,  every  one  is  engaged  immediately  in 
making  ready,  without  offering  one  word  againft  the 
meafure,  though  the  lake  may  be  boifterous  and  horrid. 
One  morning  tho'  the  wind  appeared  to  me  to  be  as 
high  as  in  days  paft,  and  the  billows  raging,  yet  the  call 
was  given  yohoh-yohoh,  which  was  quickly  anfwered  by 
all — ooh-ooh  which  fignifies  agreed.  We  were  all  in- 
ftantly  engaged  in  preparing  to  ftart,  and  had  conlider- 
able  difficulties  in  embarking. 

As  foon  as  we  got  into  our  canoes  we  fell  to  paddling 
with  all  our  might,  making  out  from  the  more.  Though 
thefe  fort  of  canoes  ride  waves  beyond  what  could  be 
expected,  yet  the  water  feveral  times  darned  into  them. 
When  we  got  out  about  half  a  mile  from  more,  we 
hoifled  fail,  and  as  it  was  nearly  a  weft  wind,  we  then 
feemed  to  ride  the  waves  with  eafe,  and  went  on  at  a 
rapid  rate.  WTe  then  all  laid  down  our  paddles,  except 
ing  one  that  fteered,  and  there  was  no  water  darned  into 
our  canoes,  until  we  came  near  the  more  again.  We 
failed  about  fixty  miles  that  day,  and  encamped  fome 
time  before  night. 

The  next  day  we  again  embarked  and  went  on  very 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  55 

well  for  fome  time ;  but  the  lake  being  boifterous,  and 
the  wind  not  fair,  we  were  obliged  to  make  to  more, 
which  we  accomplimed  with  hard  work  and  Tome  diffi 
culty  in  landing. — The  next  morning  a  council  was  held 
by  the  old  men. 

As  we  had  this  day  to  pafs  by  a  long  precipice  of 
rocks,  on  the  more  about  nine  miles,  which  rendered  it 
impoflible  for  us  to  land,  though  the  wind  was  high 
and  the  lake  rough ;  yet,  as  it  was  fair,  we  were  all  or 
dered  to  embark.  We  wrought  ourfelves  out  from  the 
more  and  hoifted  fail  (what  we  ufed  in  place  of  fail 
cloth,  were  our  tent  mats,  which  anfwered  the  place  very 
well)  and  went  on  for  fome  time  with  a  fair  wind,  until 
we  were  oppofite  to  the  precipice,  and  then  it  turned 
towards  the  more,  and  we  began  to  fear  we  mould  be 
caft  upon  the  rocks.  Two  of  the  canoes  were  confid- 
erably  farther  out  from  the  rocks,  than  the  canoe  I  was 
in.  Thofe  who  were  fartheft  out  in  the  lake  did  not  let 
down  their  fails  until  they  had  patted  the  precipice;  but 
as  we  were  nearer  the  rock,  we  were  obliged  to  lower 
our  fails,  and  paddle  with  all  our  might.  With  much 
difficulty  we  cleared  ourfelves  of  the  rock  and  landed. 
As  the  other  canoes  had  landed  before  us,  there  were 
immediately  runners  fent  off  to  fee  if  we  were  all  fafely 
landed. 

This  night  the  wind  fell,  and  the  next  morning  the 
lake  was  tolerably  calm,  and  we  embarked  without  diffi 
culty,  and  paddled  along  near  the  more,  until  we  came 


56  Col.  James  Smith. 


to  the  mouth  of  Cayahaga,  which  empties  into  Lake 
Erie  on  the  fouth  fide,  betwixt  Canefadooharie  and 
Prefq'  Ifle. 

We  turned  up  Cayahaga  and  encamped — where  we 
ftaid  and  hunted  for  feveral  days  ;  and  fo  we  kept  mov 
ing  and  hunting  until  we  came  to  the  forks  of  Cayahaga. 

This  is  a  very  gentle  river,  and  but  few  riffles,  or 
fwift  running  places,  from  the  mouth  to  the  forks. 
Deer  here  were  tolerably  plenty,  large,  and  fat;  but 
bear  and  other  game  fcarce.  The  upland  is  hilly  and 
principally  fecond  and  third  rate  land.  The  timber 
chiefly  black-oak,  white-oak,  hickory,  dogwood,  &c. 
The  bottoms  are  rich  and  large,  and  the  timber  is  wal 
nut,  locuft,  mulberry,  fugar-tree,  red-haw,  black-haw, 
wild-appletrees,  &c.  The  Weft  Branch  of  this  river  in 
terlocks  with  the  Eaft  Branch  of  Mufkingum  ;  and  the 
Eaft  Branch  with  the  Big  Beaver  creek,  that  empties 
into  the  Ohio  about  thirty  miles  below  Pittfburgh. 

From  the  forks  of  Cayahaga  to  the  Eaft  Branch  of 
Muikingum,  there  is  a  carrying  place,  where  the  Indians 
carry  their  canoes  &c.  from  the  waters  of  Lake  Erie, 
into  the  waters  of  the  Ohio. 

From  the  forks  I  went  over  with  fome  hunters,  to 
the  Eaft  Branch  of  Mufkingum,  where  they  killed  fev 
eral  deer,  a  number  of  beavers,  and  returned  heavy 
laden,  with  fkins  and  meat,  which  we  carried  on  our 
backs,  as  we  had  no  horfes. 

The  land  here  is  chiefly  fecond  and  third  rate,  and 


Remarkable  Occurrences^  Etc.  57 

the  timber  chiefly  oak  and  hickory.  A  little  above  the 
forks,  on  the  Eaft  Branch  of  Cayahaga,  are  confiderable 
rapids,  very  rocky,  for  fome  diftance ;  but  no  perpen 
dicular  falls. 

About  the  firft  of  December,  1756,  we  were  preparing 
for  leaving  the  river:  we  buried  our  canoes,  and  as  ufual 
hung  up  our  fkins,  and  every  one  had  a  pack  to  carry: 
the  fquaws  alfo  packed  up  their  tents,  which  they  carried 
in  large  rolls,  that  extended  up  above  their  heads;  and 
though  a  great  bulk,  yet  not  heavy.  We  fleered  about 
a  fouth  eafl  courfe  and  could  not  march  over  ten  miles 
per  day.  At  night  we  lodged  in  our  flag  tents,  which 
when  erected,  were  nearly  in  the  fhape  of  a  fugar  loaf, 
and  about  fifteen  feet  diameter  at  the  ground. 

In  this  manner  we  proceeded  about  forty  miles,  and 
wintered  in  thefe  tents,  on  the  waters  of  Beaver  creek, 
near  a  little  lake  or  large  pond,  which  is  about  two 
miles  long,  and  one  broad,  and  a  remarkable  place  for 
beaver. 

It  is  a  received  opinion  among  the  Indians,  that  the 
geefe  turn  to  beavers  and  the  fnakes  to  racoons;  and 
though  Tecaughretanego,  who  was  a  wife  man,  was 
not  fully  perfuaded  that  this  was  true ;  yet  he  feemed 
in  fome  meafure  to  be  carried  away  with  this  whimfical 
notion.  He  faid  that  this  pond  had  been  always  a  plen 
tiful  place  of  beaver.  Though  he  faid  he  knew  them 
to  be  frequently  all  killed,  (as  he  thought;)  yet  the  next 
winter  they  would  be  as  plenty  as  ever.  And  as  the 
8 


58  Col.  James  Smith. 


beaver  was  an  animal  that  did  not  travel  by  land,  and 
there  being  no  water  communication,  to,  or  from  this 
pond — how  could  fuch  a  number  of  beavers  get  there 
year  after  year?  But  as  this  pond  was  alfo  a  confider- 
able  place  for  geefe,  when  they  came  in  the  fall  from  the 
north,  and  alighted  in  this  pond,  they  turned  beavers, 
all  but  the  feet,  which  remained  nearly  the  fame. 

I  faid,  that  though  there  was  no  water  communication, 
in,  or  out  of  this  pond;  yet  it  appeared  that  it  was  fed 
by  fprings,  as  it  was  always  clear  and  never  ftagnated; 
and  as  a  very  large  fpring  rofe  about  a  mile  below  this 
pond,  it  was  likely  that  this  fpring  came  from  this  pond. 
In  the  fall,  when  this  fpring  is  comparatively  low,  there 
would  be  air  under  ground  fufficient  for  the  beavers  to 
breathe  in,  with  their  heads  above  water,  for  they  can 
not  live  long  under  water,  and  fo  they  might  have  a  fub- 
terraneous  paflage  by  water  into  this  pond. — Tecaugh- 
retanego,  granted  that  it  might  be  fo. 

About  the  fides  of  this  pond  there  grew  great  abund 
ance  of  cranberries,  which  the  Indians  gathered  up  on 
the  ice,  when  the  pond  was  frozen  over.  Thefe  berries 
were  about  as  large  as  rifle  bullets — of  a  bright  red 
colour — an  agreeable  four,  though  rather  too  four  of 
themfelves;  but  when  mixed  with  fugar,  had  a  very 
agreeable  tafte. 

In  converfation  with  Tecaughretanego,  I  happened  to 
be  talking  of  the  beavers'  catching  fifh.  He  afked  me 
why  I  thought  that  the  beaver  caught  fim?  I  told  him 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  59 

that  I  had  read  of  the  beaver  making  dams  for  the  con- 
veniency  of  fiming.  He  laughed,  and  made  game  of 
me  and  my  book.  He  faid  the  man  that  wrote  that 
book  knew  nothing  about  the  beaver.  The  beaver 
never  did  eat  flem  of  any  kind;  but  lived  on  the  bark 
of  trees,  roots,  and  other  vegetables. 

In  order  to  know  certainly  how  this  was,  when  we 
killed  a  beaver  I  carefully  examined  the  interlines,  but 
found  no  appearance  of  fifh;  I  afterwards  made  an 
experiment  on  a  pet  beaver  which  we  had,  and  found 
that  it  would  neither  eat  fim  or  flem;  therefore  I  ac 
knowledged  that  the  book  I  had  read  was  wrong. 

I  afked  him  if  the  beaver  was  an  amphibious  animal, 
or  if  it  could  live  under  water  ?  He  faid  that  the  beaver 
was  a  kind  of  fubterraneous  water  animal,  that  lives  in 
or  near  the  water;  but  they  were  no  more  amphibious 
than  the  ducks  and  geefe  were — which  was  conftantly 
proven  to  be  the  cafe,  as  all  the  beavers  that  are  caught 
in  fteel  traps  are  drowned,  provided  the  trap  be  heavy 
enough  to  keep  them  under  water.  As  the  beaver  does 
not  eat  fifh,  I  enquired  of  Tecaughretanego  why  the 
beaver  made  fuch  large  dams?  He  faid  they  were  of 
ufe  to  them  in  various  refpecls — both  for  their  fafety 
and  food.  For  their  fafety,  as  by  raifing  the  water  over 
the  mouths  of  their  holes,  or  fubterraneous  lodging 
places,  they  could  not  be  eafily  found :  and  as  the 
beaver  feeds  chiefly  on  the  bark  of  trees,  by  raifing  the 
water  over  the  banks,  they  can  cut  down  fapplings  for 


60  Col.  James  Smith. 


bark  to  feed  upon  without  going  out  much  upon  the 
land:  and  when  they  are  obliged  to  go  out  on  land  for 
this  food  they  frequently  are  caught  by  the  wolves.  As 
the  beaver  can  run  upon  land,  but  little  fafter  than  a 
water  tortoife,  and  is  no  fighting  animal,  if  they  are  any 
distance  from  the  water  they  become  an  eafy  prey  to 
their  enemies. 

I  afked  Tecaughretanego,  what  was  the  ufe  of  the 
beaver's  ftones,  or  glands,  to  them ; — as  the  me  beaver 
has  two  pair,  which  is  commonly  called  the  oil  ftones, 
and  the  bark  ftones?  He  faid  that  as  the  beavers  are 
the  dumbeft  of  all  animals,  and  fcarcely  ever  make  any 
noife ;  and  as  they  were  working  creatures,  they  made 
ufe  of  this  fmell  in  order  to  work  in  concert.  If  an 
old  beaver  was  to  come  on  the  bank  and  rub  his  breech 
upon  the  ground,  and  raife  a  perfume,  the  others  will 
collect  from  different  places  and  go  to  work:  this  is  alfo 
of  ufe  to  them  in  travelling,  that  they  may  thereby 
fearch  out  and  find  their  company.  Cunning  hunters 
finding  this  out,  have  made  ufe  of  it  againft  the  beaver, 
in  order  to  catch  them.  What  is  the  bate  which  you 
fee  them  make  ufe  of,  but  a  compound  of  the  oil 
and  bark  ftones  ?  By  this  perfume,  which  is  only  a 
falfe  fignal,  they  decoy  them  to  the  trap. 

Near  this  pond,  beaver  was  the  principal  game.  Be 
fore  the  waters  froze  up,  we  caught  a  great  many  with 
wooden  and  fteel  traps:  but  after  that,  we  hunted  the 
beaver  on  the  ice.  Some  places  here  the  beavers  build 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  61 

large  houfes  to  live  in;  and  in  other  places  they  have 
fubterraneous  lodgings  in  the  banks.  Where  they  lodge 
in  the  ground  we  have  no  chance  of  hunting  them  on 
the  ice;  but  where  they  have  houfes  we  go  with  malls 
and  handfpikes,  and  break  all  the  hollow  ice,  to  prevent 
them  from  getting  their  heads  above  the  water  under  it. 
Then  we  break  a  hole  in  the  houfe  and  they  make  their 
efcape  into  the  water;  but  as  they  cannot  live  long 
under  water,  they  are  obliged  to  go  to  fome  of  thofe 
broken  places  to  breathe,  and  the  Indians  commonly 
put  in  their  hands,  catch  them  by  the  hind  leg,  haul 
them  on  the  ice  and  tomahawk  them.  Sometimes 
they  moot  them  in  the  head,  when  they  raife  it 
above  the  water.  I  afked  the  Indians  if  they  were 
not  afraid  to  catch  the  beavers  with  their  hands  ? 
they  faid  no  :  they  were  not  much  of  a  biting  crea 
ture  ;  yet  if  they  would  catch  them  by  the  fore  foot 
they  would  bite. 

I  went  out  with  Tecaughretanego,  and  fome  others  a 
beaver  hunting:  but  we  did  not  fucceed,  and  on  our 
return  we  faw  where  feveral  racoons  had  pafTed,  while 
the  fnow  was  foft ;  tho'  there  was  now  a  cruft  upon 
it,  we  all  made  a  halt  looking  at  the  racoon  tracks.  As 
they  faw  a  tree  with  a  hole  in  it  they  told  me  to  go  and 
fee  if  they  had  gone  in  thereat ;  and  if  they  had  to  hal 
loo,  and  they  would  come  and  take  them  out.  When 
I  went  to  that  tree  I  found  they  had  gone  pafl ;  but  I 
faw  another  the  way  they  had  went,  and  proceeded  to 


61  Col.  James  Smith. 


examine  that,  and  found  they  had  gone  up  it.     I  then 
began  to  holloo,  but  could  have  no  anfwer. 

As  it  began  to  fnow  and  blow  mofl  violently,  I  re 
turned  and  proceeded  after  my  company,  and  for  fome 
time  could  fee  their  tracks ;  but  the  old  snow  being 
only  about  three  inches  deep,  and  a  cruft  upon  it,  the 
prefent  driving  fnow  foon  filled  up  the  tracks.  As  I 
had  only  a  bow,  arrows,  and  tomahawk,  with  me,  and 
no  way  to  flrike  fire,  I  appeared  to  be  in  a  difmal  fitu- 
ation — and  as  the  air  was  dark  with  fnow,  I  had  little 
more  profpect  of  fleering  my  courfe,  than  I  would  in 
the  night.  At  length  I  came  to  a  hollow  tree,  with  a 
hole  at  one  fide  that  I  could  go  in  at.  I  went  in,  and 
found  that  it  was  a  dry  place,  and  the  hollow  about 
three  feet  diameter,  and  high  enough  for  me  to  fland  in. 
I  found  that  there  was  alfo  a  confiderable  quantity  of 
foft,  dry  rotten  wood,  around  this  hollow :  I  therefore 
concluded  that  I  would  lodge  here;  and  that  I  would 
go  to  work,  and  flop  up  the  door  of  my  houfe.  I 
flripped  off  my  blanket,  (which  was  all  the  clothes  that 
I  had,  excepting  a  breech-clout,  leggins,  and  mocka- 
fons,)  and  with  my  tomahawk,  fell  to  chopping  at  the 
top  of  a  fallen  tree  that  lay  near  and  carried  wood  and 
fet  it  up  on  end  againfl  the  door,  until  I  had  it  three 
or  four  feet  thick,  all  round,  excepting  a  hole  I  had  left 
to  creep  in  at.  I  had  a  block  prepared  that  I  could 
haul  after  me,  to  flop  this  hole :  and  before  I  went  in  I 
put  in  a  number  of  fmall  flicks,  that  I  might  more 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  63 

effectually  ftop  it  on  the  infide.  When  I  went  in,  I 
took  my  tomahawk  and  cut  down  all  the  dry,  rotten 
wood  I  could  get,  and  beat  it  fmall.  With  it  I  made  a 
bed  like  a  goofe-neft  or  hog-bed,  and  with  the  fmall 
fticks  flopped  every  hole,  until  my  houfe  was  almoft 
dark.  I  ftripped  off  my  mockafons,  and  danced  in  the 
centre  of  my  bed  for  about  half  an  hour,  in  order  to 
warm  myfelf.  In  this  time  my  feet  and  whole  body 
were  agreeably  warmed.  The  fnow,  in  the  mean  while, 
had  flopped  all  the  holes,  fo  that  my  houfe  was  as  dark 
as  a  dungeon  ;  though  I  knew  it  could  not  yet  be  dark 
out  of  doors.  I  then  coiled  myfelf  up  in  my  blanket, 
lay  down  in  my  little  round  bed,  and  had  a  tolerable 
nights  lodging.  When  I  awoke,  all  was  dark — not  the 
leaft  glimmering  of  light  was  to  be  feen.  Immediately 
I  recollected  that  I  was  not  to  expect  light  in  this  new 
habitation,  as  there  was  neither  door  nor  window  in  it. 
As  I  could  hear  the  rtorm  raging,  and  did  not  fuffer 
much  cold,  as  I  was  then  fituated,  I  concluded  I  would 
ftay  in  my  neft  until  I  was  certain  it  was  day.  When  I 
had  reafon  to  conclude  that  it  furely  was  day,  I  arofe 
and  put  on  my  mockafons,  which  I  had  laid  under  my 
head  to  keep  from  Freezing.  I  then  endeavored  to  find 
the  door,  and  had  to  do  all  by  the  fenfe  of  feeling,  which 
took  me  fome  time.  At  length  I  found  the  block,  but 
it  being  heavy,  and  a  large  quantity  of  fnow  having 
fallen  on  it,  at  the  firfl  attempt  I  did  not  move  it.  I 
then  felt  terrified — among  all  the  hardships  I  had 


64  Col.   James  Smith. 


fuftained,  I  never  knew  before,  what  it  was  to  be  thus 
deprived  of  light.  This,  with  the  other  circumftances 
attending  it,  appeared  grievous.  I  went  ftraightway 
to  bed  again,  wrapped  my  blanket  round  me,  and  lay 
and  mufed  awhile,  and  then  prayed  to  Almighty  God 
to  direct  and  protect  me,  as  he  had  done  heretofore.  I 
once  again  attempted  to  move  away  the  block,  which 
proved  fuccefsful :  it  moved  about  nine  inches.  With 
this  a  considerable  quantity  of  fnow  fell  in  from  above, 
and  I  immediately  received  light ;  fo  that  I  found  a 
very  great  fnow  had  fallen,  above  what  I  had  ever  feen 
in  one  night.  I  then  knew  why  I  could  not  eafily 
move  the  block,  and  I  was  fo  rejoiced  at  obtaining  the 
light,  that  all  my  other  difficulties  feemed  to  vanifh.  I 
then  turned  into  my  cell,  and  returned  God  thanks  for 
having  once  more  received  the  light  of  Heaven.  At 
length  I  belted  my  blanket  about  me,  got  my  toma 
hawk,  bow  and  arrows,  and  went  out  of  my  den. 

I  was  now  in  tolerable  high  fpirits,  tho'  the  fnow 
had  fallen  above  three  feet  deep,  in  addition  to  what 
was  on  the  ground  before ;  and  the  only  imperfect  guide 
I  had,  in  order  to  fleer  my  courfe  to  camp,  was  the 
trees ;  as  the  mofs  generally  grows  on  the  north-weft 
fide  of  them,  if  they  are  ftraight.  I  proceeded  on, 
wading  through  the  fnow,  and  about  twelve  o'clock  (as 
it  appeared  afterwards,  from  that  time  to  night,  for  it 
was  yet  cloudy,)  I  came  upon  the  creek  that  our  camp 
was  on,  about  half  a  mile  below  the  camp  ;  and  when  I 


Remarkable  Occurrences •,  Etc.  65 

came  in  fight  of  the  camp,  I  found  that  there  was  great 
joy,  by  the  fhouts  and  yelling  of  the  boys,  &c. 

When  I  arrived,  they  all  came  round  me,  and  re 
ceived  me  gladly ;  but  at  this  time  no  queftions  were 
afked,  and  I  was  taken  into  a  tent,  where  they  gave  me 
plenty  of  fat  beaver  meat,  and  then  afked  me  to  fmoke. 
When  I  had  done,  Tecaughretanego  defired  me  to  walk 
out  to  a  fire  they  had  made.  I  went  out,  and  they  all 
collected  round  me,  both  men,  women,  and  boys.  Te 
caughretanego  afked  me  to  give  them  a  particular  ac 
count  of  what  had  happened  from  the  time  they  left  me 
yefterday,  until  now.  I  told  them  the  whole  of  the 
ftory,  and  they  never  interrupted  me ;  but  when  I  made 
a  ftop,  the  intervals  were  filled  with  loud  acclamations 
of  joy.  As  I  could  not,  at  this  time,  talk  Ottawa  or 
Jibewa  well,  (which  is  nearly  the  fame)  I  delivered  my 
ftory  in  Caughnewaga.  As  my  fifter  Molly's  hufband 
was  a  Jibewa  and  could  underftand  Caughnewaga,  he 
acted  as  interpreter,  and  delivered  my  ftory  to  the 
Jibewas  and  Ottawas,  which  they  received  with  pleafure. 
WThen  all  this  was  done,  Tecaughretanego  made  a  fpeech 
to  me  in  the  following  manner: 
"Brother, 

"You  fee  we  have  prepared  fnow-fhoes  to  go  after 
you,  and  were  almoft  ready  to  go,  when  you  appeared; 
yet,  as  you  had  not  been  accuftomed  to  hardfhips  in 
your  country,  to  the  eaft,  we  never  expeded  to  fee  you 
alive.  Now,  we  are  glad  to  fee  you,  in  various  refpects ; 
9 


66  Col.  James  Smith. 


we  are  glad  to  fee  you  on  your  own  account;  and 
we  are  glad  to  fee  the  profpect  of  your  filling  the  place 
of  a  great  man,  in  whofe  room  you  were  adopted. 
We  do  not  blame  you  for  what  has  happened,  we 
blame  ourfelves;  becaufe,  we  did  not  think  of  this 
driving  fnow  filling  up  the  tracks,  until  after  we  came 
to  camp. 

"  Brother, 

"Your  conduct  on  this  occafion  hath  pleafed  us 
much:  You  have  given  us  an  evidence  of  your  forti 
tude,  {kill  and  refolution  :  and  we  hope  you  will  always 
go  on  to  do  great  actions,  as  it  is  only  great  actions 
that  can  make  a  great  man/' 

I  told  my  brother  Tecaughretanego,  that  I  thanked 
them  for  their  care  of  me,  and  for  the  kindnefs  I  always 
received.  I  told  him  that  I  always  wifhed  to  do  great 
actions,  and  hoped  I  never  would  do  any  thing  to  dis 
honor  any  of  thofe  with  whom  I  was  connected.  I 
likewife  told  my  Jibewa  brother-in-law  to  tell  his 
people  that  I  alfo  thanked  them  for  their  care  and  kind 
nefs. 

The  next  morning  fome  of  the  hunters  went  out  on 
fnow-fhoes,  killed  feveral  deer,  and  hauled  fome  of  them 
into  camp  upon  the  fnow.  They  fixed  their  carrying 
firings,  (which  are  broad  in  the  middle,  and  fmall  at 
each  end,)  in  the  fore  feet  and  nofe  of  the  deer,  and 
laid  the  broad  part  of  it  on  their  heads  or  about  their 
moulders,  and  pulled  it  along;  and  when  it  is  moving, 


Remarkable  Occurrences,   Etc.  67 

will  not  fink  in  the  fnow  much  deeper  than  a  fnow-fhoe; 
and  when  taken  with  the  grain  of  the  hair,  flips  along 
very  eafy. 

The  fnow-moes  are  made  like  a  hoop-net,  and 
wrought  with  buck-fkin  thongs.  Each  fhoe  is  about 
two  feet  and  an  half  long,  and  about  eighteen  inches 
broad,  before,  and  fmall  behind,  with  crofs-bars,  in 
order  to  fix  or  tie  them  to  their  feet.  After  the  fnow 
had  lay  a  few  days,  the  Indians  tomahawked  the  deer, 
by  purfuing  them  in  this  manner. 

About  two  weeks  after  this,  there  came  a  warm  rain, 
and  took  away  the  chief  part  of  the  fnow,  and  broke  up 
the  ice;  then  we  engaged  in  making  wooden  traps  to 
catch  beavers,  as  we  had  but  few  fteel  traps.  Thefe 
traps  are  made  nearly  in  the  fame  manner  as  the  racoon 
traps  already  defcribed. 

One  day  as  I  was  looking  after  my  traps,  I  got  be 
nighted,  by  beaver  ponds  intercepting  my  way  to  camp  ; 
and  as  I  had  neglected  to  take  fire-works  with  me,  and 
the  weather  very  cold,  I  could  find  no  fuitable  lodging- 
place,  therefore  the  only  expedient  I  could  think  of  to 
keep  myfelf  from  freezing,  was  exercife.  I  danced  and 
halloo'd  the  whole  night  with  all  my  might,  and  the 
next  day  came  to  camp.  Though  I  fuffered  much  more 
this  time  than  the  other  night  I  lay  out,  yet  the  Indians 
were  not  fo  much  concerned,  as  they  thought  I  had  fire 
works  with  me;  but  when  they  knew  how  it  was,  they 
did  not  blame  me.  They  faid  that  old  hunters  were 


68  Col   James  Smith. 


frequently  involved  in  this  place,  as  the  beaver  dams 
were  one  above  another  on  every  creek  and  run,  fo  that 
it  is  hard  to  find  a  fording  place.  They  applauded  me 
for  my  fortitude,  and  faid  as  they  had  now  plenty  of 
beaver- {kins,  they  would  purchafe  me  a  new  gun  at  De 
troit,  as  we  were  to  go  there  the  next  fpring;  and  then 
if  I  mould  chance  to  be  loft  in  dark  weather,  I  could 
make  fire,  kill  provifion,  and  return  to  camp  when  the 
fun  mined.  By  being  bewildered  on  the  waters  of  Mus- 
kingum,  I  loft  repute,  and  was  reduced  to  the  bow  and 
arrow;  and  by  lying  out  two  nights  here,  I  regained  my 
credit. 

After  fome  time,  the  waters  all  froze  again,  and  then, 
as  formerly,  we  hunted  beavers  on  the  ice.  Though 
beaver  meat,  without  fait  or  bread,  was  the  chief  of  our 
food  this  winter,  yet  we  had  always  plenty,  and  I  was 
well  contented  with  my  diet,  as  it  appeared  delicious 
fare,  after  the  way  we  had  lived  the  winter  before. 

Some  time  in  February,  we  fcaffolded  up  our  fur  and 
fkins,  and  moved  about  ten  miles  in  queft  of  a  fugar 
camp  or  a  fuitable  place  to  make  fugar,  and  encamped 
in  a  large  bottom,  on  the  head  waters  of  Big  Beaver 
creek.  We  had  fome  difficulty  in  moving,  as  we  had 
a  blind  Caughnewaga  boy  about  15  years  of  age,  to 
lead;  and  as  this  country  is  very  brufhy,  we  frequently 
had  him  to  carry; — We  had  alfo  my  Jibewa  brother-in- 
law's  father  with  us,  who  was  thought  by  the  Indians  to 
be  a  great  conjurer — his  name  was  Manetohcoa — this 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  69 

old  man  was  fo  decrepit,  that  we  had  to  carry  him  this 
route  upon  a  bier, — and  all  our  baggage  to  pack  on  our 
backs. 

Shortly  after  we  came  to  this  place  the  fquaws  began 
to  make  fugar.  We  had  no  large  kettles  with  us  this 
year,  and  they  made  the  froft,  in  fome  meafure,  fupply 
the  place  of  fire,  in  making  fugar.  Their  large  bark 
veffels,  for  holding  the  flock-water,  they  made  broad 
and  mallow ;  and  as  the  weather  is  very  cold  here,  it 
frequently  freezes  at  night  in  fugar  time;  and  the  ice 
they  break  and  cart  out  of  the  veflels.  I  afked  them  if 
they  were  not  throwing  away  the  fugar  ?  they  faid  no ; 
it  was  water  they  were  carting  away,  fugar  did  not  freeze, 
and  there  was  fcarcely  any  in  that  ice.  They  faid  I 
might  try  the  experiment,  and  boil  fome  of  it,  and  fee 
what  I  would  get.  I  never  did  try  it ;  but  I  obferved 
that  after  feveral  times  freezing,  the  water  that  remained 
in  the  veflel,  changed  its  colour  and  became  brown  and 
very  fweet. 

About  the  time  we  were  done  making  fugar  the  fnow 
went  off  the  ground  ;  and  one  night  a  fquaw  raifed  an 
alarm.  She  faid  me  faw  two  men  with  guns  in  their 
hands,  upon  the  bank  on  the  other  fide  of  the  creek, 
fpying  our  tents — they  were  fuppofed  to  be  John- 
fton's  Mohawks.  On  this  the  fquaws  were  ordered  to 
flip  quietly  out,  fome  diftance  into  the  bufhes;  and  all 
who  had  either  guns  or  bows  were  to  fquat  in  the  bufhes 
near  the  tents;  and  if  the  enemy  rufhed  up,  we  were  to 


jo  Col.  James  Smith. 


give  them  the  firft  fire,  and  let  the  fquaws  have  an  op 
portunity  of  efcaping.  I  got  down  befide  Tecaughre- 
tanego,  and  he  whifpered  to  me  not  to  be  afraid,  for  he 
would  fpeak  to  the  Mohawks,  and  as  they  fpake  the 
fame  tongue  that  we  did,  they  would  not  hurt  the 
Caughnewagas,  or  me:  but  they  would  kill  all  the  Jibe- 
was  and  Ottawas  that  they  could,  and  take  us  along 
with  them.  This  news  pleafed  me  well,  and  I  heartily 
wished  for  the  approach  of  the  Mohawks. 

Before  we  withdrew  from  the  tents  they  had  carried 
Manetohcoa  to  the  fire,  and  gave  him  his  conjuring 
tools;  which  were  dyed  feathers,  the  bone  of  the  moulder 
blade  of  the  wild  cat,  tobacco,  &c.,  and  while  we  were 
in  the  bumes,  Manetohcoa  was  in  a  tent  at  the  fire, 
conjuring  away  to  the  utmoft  of  his  ability.  At  length 
he  called  aloud  for  us  all  to  come  in,  which  was  quickly 
obeyed.  When  we  came  in,  he  told  us  that  after  he 
had  gone  through  the  whole  of  his  ceremony,  and  ex- 
peded  to  fee  a  number  of  Mohawks  on  the  flat  bone 
when  it  was  warmed  at  the  fire,  the  pictures  of  two 
wolves  only  appeared.  He  faid  though  there  were  no 
Mohawks  about,  we  muft  not  be  angry  with  the  fquaw 
for  giving  a  falfe  alarm ;  as  me  had  occafion  to  go  out 
ai^d  happened  to  fee  the  wolves,  though  it  was  moon 
light;  yet  me  got  afraid,  and  me  conceited  it  was  In 
dians,  with  guns  in  their  hands,  fo  he  faid  we  might  all 
go  to  fleep,  for  there  was  no  danger — and  accordingly 
we  did. 


Remarkable  Occurrences ,  Etc.  71 

The  next  morning  we  went  to  the  place,  and  found 
wolf  tracks,  and  where  they  had  fcratched  with  their 
feet  like  dogs;  but  there  was  no  fign  of  mockafon 
tracks.  If  there  is  any  fuch  thing  as  a  wizzard,  I  think 
Manetohcoa  was  as  likely  to  be  one  as  any  man,  as  he 
was  a  profeffed  worfhipper  of  the  devil. — But  let  him 
be  a  conjuror  or  not,  I  am  perfuaded  that  the  Indians 
believed  what  he  told  them  upon  this  occafion,  as  well 
as  if  it  had  come  from  an  infallible  oracle;  or  they 
would  not,  after  fuch  an  alarm  as  this,  go  all  to  ileep  in 
an  unconcerned  manner.  This  appeared  to  me  the  mofl 
like  witchcraft,  of  any  thing  I  beheld  while  I  was  with 
them.  Though  I  fcrutinized  their  proceedings  in  bufi- 
nefs  of  this  kind,  yet  I  generally  found  that  their  pre 
tended  witchcraft,  was  either  art  or  miftaken  notions, 
whereby  they  deceived  themfelves. — Before  a  battle  they 
fpy  the  enemy's  motions  carefully,  and  when  they  find 
that  they  can  have  considerable  advantage,  and  the  great- 
eft  profpecl  of  fuccefs,  then  the  old  men  pretend  to  con 
jure,  or  to  tell  what  the  event  will  be, — and  this  they 
do  in  a  figurative  manner,  which  will  bear  fomething  of 
a  different  interpretation,  which  generally  comes  to  pafs 
nearly  as  they  foretold;  therefore  the  young  warriors 
generally  believed  thefe  old  conjurors,  which  had  a 
tendency  to  animate,  and  excite  them  to  pufh  on  with 
vigor. 

Some  time  in  March  1757  we  began  to  move  back  to 
the  forks  of  Cayahaga,  which  was  about  forty  or  fifty 


72  Col.   James  Smith. 


miles ;  and  as  we  had  no  horfes,  we  had  all  our  baggage 
and  feveral  hundred  weight  of  beaver  fkins,  and  fome 
deer  and  bear  fkins — all  to  pack  on  our  backs.  The 
method  we  took  to  accomplifh  this  was  by  making 
fhort  days'  journies.  In  the  morning  we  would  move 
on  with  as  much  as  we  were  able  to  carry,  about  five 
miles,  and  encamp;  and  then  run  back  for  more.  We 
commonly  made  three  fuch  trips  in  the  day.  When  we 
came  to  the  great  pond  we  ftaid  there  one  day  to  reft 
ourfelves  and  to  kill  ducks  and  geefe. 

While  we  remained  here  I  went  in  company  with  a 
young  Caughnewaga,  who  was  about  fifteen  or  feventeen 
years  of  age,  Chinnohete  by  name,  in  order  to  gather 
crannberries.  As  he  was  gathering  berries  at  fome  dis 
tance  from  me,  three  Jibewa  fquaws  crept  up  undifcov- 
ered  and  made  at  him  fpeedily,  but  he  nimbly  efcaped, 
and  came  to  me  apparently  terrified.  I  afked  him  what 
he  was  afraid  of?  he  replied  did  you  not  fee  thofe 
fquaws  ?  I  told  him  I  did,  and  they  appeared  to  be  in  a 
very  good  humor.  I  afked  him  wherefore  then  he  was 
afraid  of  them?  He  faid  the  Jibewa  fquaws  were  very 
bad  women,  and  had  a  very  ugly  cuftom  among  them. 
I  afked  him  what  that  cuftom  was  ?  he  faid  that  when 
two  or  three  of  them  could  catch  a  young  lad,  that  was 
betwixt  a  man  and  a  boy,  out  by  himfelf,  if  they  could 
overpower  him,  they  would  ftrip  him  by  force  in  order 
to  fee  whether  he  was  coming  on  to  be  a  man  or  not. 
He  faid  that  was  what  they  intended  when  they  crawled 


Remarkable  Occurrences,   Etc.  73 

up,  and  ran  fo  violently  at  him,  but  faid  he,  I  am  very 
glad  that  I  fo  narrowly  efcaped.  I  then  agreed  with 
Chinnohete  in  condemning  this  as  a  bad  cuftom,  and 
an  exceeding  immodeft  aclion  for  young  women  to  be 
guilty  of. 

From  our  fugar  camp  on  the  head  waters  of  Big 
Beaver  creek,  to  this  place  is  not  hilly,  and  fome  places 
the  woods  are  tolerably  clear:  but  in  moft  places  exceed 
ing  brufhy.  The  land  here  is  chiefly  fecond  and  third 
rate.  The  timber  on  the  upland  is  white-oak,  black- 
oak,  hickory  and  chefnut:  there  is  alfo  in  fome  places 
walnut  up  land,  and  plenty  of  good  water.  The  bottoms 
here  are  generally  large  and  good. 

We  again  proceeded  on  from  the  pond  to  the  forks  of 
Cayahaga,  at  the  rate  of  about  five  miles  per  day. 

The  land  on  this  route  is  not  very  hilly,  it  is  well 
watered,  and  in  many  places  ill  timbered,  generally 
brufhy,  and  chiefly  fecond  and  third  rate  land,  inter 
mixed  with  good  bottoms. 

When  we  came  to  the  forks,  we  found  that  the  {kins 
we  had  fcaffolded  were  all  fafe.  Though  this  was  a 
public  place,  and  Indians  frequently  patting,  and  our 
fkins  hanging  up  in  view,  yet  there  was  none  flolen;  and 
it  is  feldom  that  Indians  do  fteal  anything  from  one 
another;  and  they  fay  they  never  did,  until  the  white 
people  came  among  them,  and  learned  fome  of  them  to 
lie,  cheat  and  fteal, — but  be  that  as  it  may,  they  never 
did  curfe  or  fwear,  until  the  whites  learned  them ;  fome 
10 


74  Col.  James  Smith. 


think  their  language  will  not  admit  of  it,  but  I  am  not 
of  that  opinion;  if  I  was  fo  difpofed,  I  could  find  lan 
guage  to  curfe  or  fwear,  in  the  Indian  tongue. 

I  remember  that  Tecaughretanego,  when  fomething 
difpleafed  him,  faid,  God  damn  it. — I  alked  him  if  he 
knew  what  he  then  faid?  he  faid  he  did;  and  mentioned 
one  of  their  degrading  expreffions,  which  he  fuppofed  to 
be  the  meaning  or  fomething  like  the  meaning  of  what 
he  had  faid.  I  told  him  that  it  did  not  bear  the  leaft 
refemblance  to  it ;  that  what  he  faid,  was  calling  upon 
the  great  fpirit  to  punim  the  object  he  was  difpleafed 
with.  He  ftood  for  fometime  amazed,  and  then  faid,  if 
this  be  the  meaning  of  thefe  words,  what  fort  of  people 
are  the  whites  ?  when  the  traders  were  among  us  thefe 
words  feemed  to  be  intermixed  with  all  their  difcourfe. 
He  told  me  to  reconfider  what  I  had  faid,  for  he  thought 
I  muft  be  miflaken  in  my  definition ;  if  I  was  not  mis 
taken,  he  said,  the  traders  applied  thefe  words  not  only 
wickedly,  but  often  times  very  foolifhly  and  contrary  to 
fenfe  or  reafon.  He  faid  he  remembered  once  of  a  tra 
der's  accidentally  breaking  his  gun  lock,  and  on  that 
occafion  calling  out  aloud  God  damn  it — furely  faid  he 
the  gun  lock  was  not  an  object  worthy  of  punimment 
for  Owaneeyo,  or  the  Great  Spirit:  he  alfo  obferved 
the  traders  often  ufed  this  expreffion,  when  they  were  in 
a  good  humor  and  not  difpleafed  with  anything. — I 
acknowledged  that  the  traders  ufed  this  expreffion  very 
often,  in  a  moil  irrational,  inconfiftent,  and  impious  man- 


Remarkable  Occurrences,,  Etc.  75 

ner ;  yet  I  ftill  afTerted  that  I  had  given  the  true  mean 
ing  of  thefe  words. — He  replied,  if  fo,  the  traders  are 
as  bad  as  Oonafahroona,  or  the  under  ground  inhabit 
ants,  which  is  the  name  they  give  the  devils  ;  as  they 
entertain  a  notion  that  their  place  of  refidence  is  under 
the  earth. 

We  took  up  our  birch-bark  canoes  which  we  had 
buried,  and  found  that  they  were  not  damaged  by  the 
winter ;  but  they  not  being  fufficient  to  carry  all  that 
we  now  had,  we  made  a  large  chefnut  bark  canoe ;  as 
elm  bark  was  not  to  be  found  at  this  place. 

We  all  embarked,  and  had  a  very  agreeable  pafTage 
down  the  Cayahaga,  and  along  the  fouth  fide  of  Lake 
Erie,  until  we  pafled  the  mouth  of  Sandufky;  then  the 
wind  arofe,  and  we  put  in  at  the  mouth  of  the  Miami 
of  the  Lake,  at  Cedar  Point,  where  we  remained  feveral 
days,  and  killed  a  number  of  Turkeys,  geefe,  ducks  and 
fwans.  (-The  wind  being  fair,  and  the  lake  not  extremely 
rough,  we  again  embarked,  hoifted  up  fails,  and  arrived 
fafe  at  the  Wiandot  town,  nearly  oppofite  to  Fort  De 
troit,  on  the  north  fide  of  the  river.  Here  we  found  a 
number  of  French  traders,  every  one  very  willing  to 
deal  with  us  for  our  beaver. 

We  bought  ourfelves  fine  clothes,  amunition,  paint, 
tobacco,  &c.  and  according  to  promife,  they  purchafed 
me  a  new  gun:  yet  we  had  parted  with  only  about  one- 
third  of  our  beaver.  At  length  a  trader  came  to  town 
with  French  Brandy:  We  purchafed  a  keg  of  it,  and 


y 6  Col.  James  Smith. 


held  a  council  about  who  was  to  get  drunk,  and  who 
was  to  keep  fober.  I  was  invited  to  get  drunk,  but  I 
refufed  the  propofal — then  they  told  me  that  I  muft  be 
one  of  thofe  who  were  to  take  care  of  the  drunken  peo 
ple.  I  did  not  like  this  ;  but  of  two  evils  I  chofe  that 
which  I  thought  was  the  leaft — and  fell  in  with  thofe 
who  were  to  conceal  the  arms,  and  keep  every  danger 
ous  weapon  we  could,  out  of  their  way,  and  endeavor, 
if  poffible  to  keep  the  drinking  club  from  killing  each 
other,  which  was  a  very  hard  tafk.  Several  times  we 
hazarded  our  own  lives,  and  got  ourfelves  hurt,  in  pre 
venting  them  from  flaying  each  other.  Before  they  had 
rmifhed  this  keg,  near  one-third  of  the  town  was  intro 
duced  to  this  drinking  club ;  they  could  not  pay  their 
part,  as  they  had  already  difpofed  of  all  their  fkins;  but 
that  made  no  odds,  all  were  welcome  to  drink. 

When  they  were  done  with  this  keg,  they  applied  to 
the  traders,  and  procured  a  kettle  full  of  brandy  at  a 
time,  which  they  divided  out  with  a  large  wooden 
fpoon, — and  fo  they  went  on  and  never  quit  while  they 
had  a  tingle  beaver  fkin. 

When  the  trader  had  got  all  our  beaver,  he  moved 
off  to  the  Ottawa  town,  about  a  mile  above  the  Wiandot 
town. 

When  the  brandy  was  gone,  and  the  drinking  club 
fober,  they  appeared  much  dejeded.  Some  of  them 
were  crippled,  others  badly  wounded,  a  number  of  their 
fine  new  fhirts  tore,  and  feveral  blankets  were  burned  :  — 


Remarkable  Occurrences,,  Etc.  77 

a  number  of  fquaws  were  alfo  in  this  club,  and  neglected 
their  corn  planting. 

We  could  now  hear  the  effects  of  the  brandy  in  the 
Ottawa  town.  They  were  ringing  and  yelling  in  the 
moft  hideous  manner,  both  night  and  day;  but  their 
frolic  ended  worfe  than  ours;  five  Ottawas  were  killed 
and  a  great  many  wounded. 

After  this  a  number  of  young  Indians  were  getting 
their  ears  cut,  and  they  urged  me  to  have  mine  cut  like- 
wife;  but  they  did  not  attempt  to  compel  me,  though 
they  endeavored  to  perfuade  me.  The  principal  argu 
ments  they  ufed  were  its  being  a  very  great  ornament, 
and  alfo  the  common  fafhion — The  former  I  did  not 
believe,  and  the  latter  I  could  not  deny.  The  way  they 
performed  this  operation  was  by  cutting  the  flefhy  part 
of  the  circle  of  the  ear  clofe  to  the  grifhle  quite  through. 
When  this  was  done  they  wrapt  rags  round  this  flefhy 
part  until  it  was  entirely  healed;  then  they  hung  lead  to 
it  and  ftretched  it  to  a  wonderful  length:  when  it  was 
sufficiently  ftretched,  they  wrapt  the  flefhy  part  round 
with  brafs  wire,  which  formed  it  into  a  femicircle  about 
four  inches  diameter. 

Many  of  the  young  men  were  now  exercifing  them- 
felves  in  a  game  refembling  foot  ball;  though  they  com 
monly  ftruck  the  ball  with  a  crooked  {lick,  made  for 
that  purpofe;  alfo  a  game  fomething  like  this,  wherein 
they  ufed  a  wooden  ball,  about  three  inches  diameter, 
and  the  inftrument  they  moved  it  with  was  a  ftrong  ftaff 


7  8  Col.  James  Smith. 


about  five  feet  long,  with  a  hoop  net  on  the  end  of  it, 
large  enough  to  contain  the  ball.  Before  they  begin 
the  play,  they  lay  off  about  half  a  mile  diftance  in  a  clear 
plain,  and  the  oppofite  parties  all  attend  at  the  centre, 
where  a  difinterefled  perfon  cafts  up  the  ball  then  the 
opofite  parties  all  contend  for  it.  If  any  one  gets  it 
into  his  net,  he  runs  with  it  the  way  he  wifb.es  it  to  go, 
and  they  all  purfue  him.  If  one  of  the  oppofite  party 
overtakes  the  perfon  with  the  ball,  he  gives  the  flaff  a 
ftroke  which  caufes  the  ball  to  fly  out  of  the  net;  then 
they  have  another  debate  for  it;  and  if  the  one  that 
gets  it  can  outrun  all  the  oppofite  party,  and  can  carry 
it  quite  out,  or  over  the  line  at  the  end,  the  game  is 
won ;  but  this  feldom  happens.  When  any  one  is  run 
ning  away  with  the  ball,  and  is  like  to  be  overtaken,  he 
commonly  throws  it,  and  with  this  inflrument  can  caft 
it  fifty  or  fixty  yards.  Sometimes  when  the  ball  is  al- 
moft  at  the  one  end,  matters  will  take  a  fudden  turn, 
and  the  oppofite  party  may  quickly  carry  it  out  at  the 
other  end.  Oftentimes  they  will  work  a  long  while  back 
and  forward  before  they  can  get  the  ball  over  the  line, 
or  win  the  game. 

About  the  firfl  of  June,  1757,  the  warriors  were  pre 
paring  to  go  to  war,  in  the  Wiandot,  Pottowatomy,  and 
Ottawa  towns;  alfo  a  great  many  Jibewas  came  down 
from  the  upper  lakes ;  and  after  finging  their  war  fongs 
and  going  through  their  common  ceremonies,  they 
marched  off  againft  the  frontiers  of  Virginia,  Maryland 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  79 

and  Pennfylvania,  in  their  ufual  manner,  ringing  the 
travelling  fong,  flow  firing,  &c. 

On  the  north  fide  of  the  river  St.  Laurence,  oppofite 
to  Fort  Detroit,  there  is  an  iiland,  which  the  Indians 
call  the  Long  Ifland,  and  which  they  fay  is  above  one 
thoufand  miles  long,  and  in  fome  places  above  one  hun 
dred  miles  broad.  They  further  fay  that  the  great  river 
that  comes  down  by  Canefatauga  and  that  empties  into 
the  main  branch  of  St.  Laurence,  above  Montreal,  orig 
inates  from  one  fource,  with  the  St.  Lawrence,  and 
forms  this  ifland. 

Oppofite  to  Detroit,  and  below  it,  was  originally  a 
prairie,  and  laid  off  in  lots  about  fixty  rods  broad,  and 
a  great  length:  each  lot  is  divided  into  two  fields,  which 
they  cultivate  year  about.  The  principal  grain  that  the 
French  raifed  in  thefe  fields  was  fpring  wheat  and  peas. 

They  built  all  their  houfes  on  the  front  of  thefe  lots 
on  the  river  fide ;  and  as  the  banks  of  the  river  are  very 
low,  fome  of  the  houfes  are  not  above  three  or  four  feet 
above  the  furface  of  the  water;  yet  they  are  in  no  dan 
ger  of  being  difturbed  by  frefhes,  as  the  river  feldom 
rifes  above  eighteen  inches  ;  becaufe  it  is  the  communi 
cation,  of  the  river  St.  Laurence,  from  one  lake  to 
another. 

As  dwelling-houfes,  barns,  and  ftables  are  all  built  on 
the  front  of  thefe  lots ;  at  a  diftance  it  appears  like  a 
continued  row  of  houfes  in  a  town,  on  each  fide  of  the 
river  for  a  long  way.  Thefe  villages,  the  town,  the  river 


8o  Col.  James  Smith. 


and  the  plains,  being  all  in  view  at  once,  affords  a  moft 
delightful  profpect. 

The  inhabitants  here  chiefly  drink  the  river  water ; 
and  as  it  comes  from  the  northward  it  is  very  whole- 
fome. 

The  land  here  is  principally  fecond  rate,  and  compar 
atively  fpeaking,  a  fmall  part  is  firft  or  third  rate;  tho 
about  four  or  five  miles  fouth  of  Detroit,  there  is  a 
fmall  portion  that  is  worfe  than  what  I  would  call  third 
rate,  which  produces  abundance  of  hurtle  berries. 

There  is  plenty  of  good  meadow  ground  here,  and  a 
great  many  marmes  that  are  overfpread  with  water. — 
The  timber  is  elm,  fugar-tree,  black-am,  white-am, 
abundance  of  water-am,  oak,  hickory,  and  fome  walnut. 

About  the  middle  of  June  the  Indians  were  almoft 
all  gone  to  war,  from  fixteen  to  fixty;  yet  Tecaughre- 
tanego  remained  in  town  with  me.  Tho  he  had  for 
merly,  when  they  were  at  war  with  the  fouthern  nations 
been  a  great  warrior,  and  an  eminent  counfellor ;  and  I 
think  as  clear  and  as  able  a  reafoner  upon  any  fubjedl 
that  he  had  an  opportunity  of  being  acquainted  with,  as 
I  ever  knew ;  yet  he  had  all  along  been  againft  this  war, 
and  had  ftrenuoufly  oppofed  it  in  council.  He  faid  if 
the  Englim  and  French  had  a  quarrel  let  them  fight 
their  own  battles  themfelves ;  it  is  not  our  bufinefs  to 
intermeddle  therewith. 

Before  the  warriors  returned  we  were  very  fcarce  of 
provifion:  and  tho  we  did  not  commonly  fteal  from  one 


Remarkable  Occurrences,   Etc. 


another;  yet  we  ftole  during  this  time  any  thing  that 
we  could  eat  from  the  French,  under  the  notion  that  it 
was  juft  for  us  to  do  fo  ;  becaufe  they  fupported  their 
foldiers;  and  our  fquaws,  old  men  and  children  were 
fuffering  on  the  account  of  the  war,  as  our  hunters 
were  all  gone. 

Some  time  in  Auguft  the  warriors  returned,  and 
brought  in  with  them  a  great  many  fcalps,  prifoners, 
horfes  and  plunder ;  and  the  common  report  among  the 
young  warriors,  was,  that  they  would  intirely  fubdue 
Tulhafaga,  that  is  the  Englifh,  or  it  might  be  literally 
rendered  the  Morning  Light  inhabitants. 

About  the  firft  of  November  a  number  of  families 
were  preparing  to  go  on  their  winter  hunt,  and  all 
agreed  to  crofs  the  lake  together.  We  encamped  at 
the  mouth  of  the  river  the  firft  night,  and  a  council 
was  held,  whether  we  would  crofs  thro'  by  the  three 
iflands,  or  coaft  it  round  the  lake.  Thefe  iflands  lie 
in  a  line  acrofs  the  lake,  and  are  juft  in  fight  of  each 
other.  Some  of  the  Wiandots  or  Ottawas  frequently 
make  their  winter  hunt  on  thefe  iflands.  Tho  except 
ing  wild  fowl  and  fifh,  there  is  fcarcely  any  game  here 
but  racoons  which  are  amazingly  plenty,  and  exceed 
ing  large  and  fat ;  as  they  feed  upon  the  wild  rice, 
which  grows  in  abundance  in  wet  places  round  thefe 
iflands.  It  is  faid  that  each  hunter  in  one  winter  will 
catch  one  thoufand  racoons. 

It  is  a  received  opinion  among  the  Indians  that  the 
ii 


82  Col.  James  Smith. 


fnakes  and  racoons  are  tranfmutable ;  and  that  a  great 
many  of  the  fnakes  turn  racoons  every  fall,  and  racoons 
fnakes  every  fpring.  This  notion  is  founded  on  ob- 
fervations  made  on  the  fnakes  and  racoons  in  this  ifland. 

As  the  racoons  here  lodge  in  rocks,  the  trappers  make 
their  wooden  traps  at  the  mouth  of  the  holes;  and  as 
they  go  daily  to  look  at  their  traps,  in  the  winter  fea- 
fon,  they  commonly  find  them  filled  with  racoons;  but 
in  the  fpring  or  when  the  froft  is  out  of  the  ground 
they  fay,  they  then  find  their  traps  filled  with  large 
rattle  fnakes.  And  therefore  conclude  that  the  racoons 
are  transformed.  They  alfo  fay  that  the  reafon  why 
they  are  fo  remarkably  plenty  in  the  winter,  is,  every 
fall  the  fnakes  turn  racoons  again. 

I  told  them  that  tho  I  had  never  .landed  on  any  of 
thefe  iflands,  yet  from  the  unanimous  accounts  I  had 
received,  I  believed  that  both  fnakes  and  racoons  were 
plenty  there;  but  no  doubt  they  all  remained  there  both 
fummer  and  winter,  only  the  fnakes  were  not  to  be  feen 
in  the  latter ;  yet  I  did  not  believe  they  were  tranfmu 
table. 

Thefe  iflands  are  but  feldom  vifited ;  becaufe  early  in 
the  fpring  and  late  in  the  fall  it  is  dangerous  failing  in 
their  bark  canoes;  and  in  the  fummer  they  are  fo  infefted 
with  various  kinds  of  ferpents,  (but  chiefly  rattle  fnakes,) 
that  it  is  dangerous  landing. 

I  mall  now  quit  this  digreffion,  and  return  to  the 
refult  of  the  council  at  the  mouth  of  the  river.  We 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  83 

concluded  to  coaft  it  round  the  lake,  and  in  two  days  we 
came  to  the  mouth  of  the  Miami  of  the  Lake,  and 
landed  on  cedar  point,  where  we  remained  feveral  days. 
Here  we  held  a  council,  and  concluded  we  would  take  a 
driving  hunt  in  concert,  and  in  partnerfhip. 

The  river  in  this  place  is  about  a  mile  broad,  and  as 
it  and  the  lake  forms  a  kind  of  neck,  which  terminates 
in  a  point,  all  the  hunters  (which  were  fifty-three)  went 
up  the  river,  and  we  fcattered  ourfelves  from  the' river 
to  the  lake.  When  we  firft  began  to  move  we  were  not  in 
fight  of  each  other,  but  as  we  all  raifed  the  yell,  we  could 
move  regularly  together  by  the  noife.  At  length  we 
came  in  fight  of  each  other  and  appeared  to  be  marching 
in  good  order ;  before  we  came  to  the  point,  both  the 
fquaws  and  boys  in  the  canoes  were  fcattered  up  the 
river,  and  along  the  lake,  to  prevent  the  deer  from 
making  their  efcape  by  water.  As  we  advanced  near  the 
point  the  guns  began  to  crack  flowly;  and  after  fome 
time  the  firing  was  like  a  little  engagement.  The  fquaws 
and  boys  were  bufy  tomahawking  the  deer  in  the  water, 
and  we  mooting  them  down  on  the  land: — We  killed  in 
all  about  thirty  deer:  tho  a  great  many  made  their 
efcape  by  water. 

We  had  now  great  feafting  and  rejoicing,  as  we  had 
plenty  of  homony,  venifon,  and  wild  fowl.  The  geefe  at 
this  time  appeared  to  be  preparing  to  move  fouthward — 
It  might  be  afked  what  is  meant  by  the  geefe  preparing  to 
move?  The  Indians  reprefent  them  as  holding  a  great 


84  Col.  James  Smith. 


council  at  this  time  concerning  the  weather  in  order  to 
conclude  upon  a  day,  that  they  may  all  at  or  near  one 
time  leave  the  Northern  Lakes,  and  wing  their  way  to 
the  fouthern  bays.  When  matters  are  brought  to  a 
conclufion  and  the  time  appointed  that  they  are  to  take 
wing,  then  they  fay,  a  great  number  of  expreffes  are  fent 
off,  in  order  to  let  the  different  tribes  know  the  refult  of 
this  council,  that  they  may  be  all  in  readinefs  to  move 
at  the  time  appointed.  As  there  is  a  great  commotion 
among  the  geefe  at  this  time,  it  would  appear  by  their 
actions,  that  fuch  a  council  had  been  held.  Certain  it 
is,  that  they  are  led  by  inftinct  to  ad  in  concert  and  to 
move  off  regularly  after  their  leaders. 

Here  our  company  feparated.  The  chief  part  of 
them  went  up  the  Miami  river,  that  empties  into  Lake 
Erie,  at  cedar  point,  whilft  we  proceeded  on  our  journey 
in  company  with  Tecaughretanego,  Tontileaugo,  and 
two  families  of  the  Wiandots. 

As  cold  weather  was  now  approaching,  we  began  to 
feel  the  doleful  effects  of  extravagantly  and  foolifhly 
fpending  the  large  quantity  of  beaver  we  had  taken  in 
our  laft  winter's  hunt.  We  were  all  nearly  in  the  fame 
circumftances — fcarcely  one  had  a  fhirt  to  his  back;  but 
each  of  us  had  an  old  blanket  which  we  belted  round  us 
in  the  day,  and  flept  in  at  night,  with  a  deer  or  bear  fkin 
under  us  for  our  bed. 

When  we  came  to  the  falls  of  Sandulky,  we  buried 
our  birch  bark  canoes  as  ufual,  at  a  large  burying  place 


Remarkable    Occurrences^   Etc.  85 

for  that  purpofe,  a  little  below  the  falls.  At  this  place 
the  river  falls  about  eight  feet  over  a  rock,  but  not  per 
pendicular.  With  much  difficulty  we  pufhed  up  our 
wooden  canoes,  fome  of  us  went  up  the  river,  and  the 
reft  by  land  with  the  horfes,  until  we  came  to  the  great 
meadows  or  prairies  that  lie  between  Sandufky  and 
Sciota. 

When  we  came  to  this  place  we  met  with  fome  Ottawa 
hunters,  and  agreed  with  them  to  take,  what  they  call  a 
ring  hunt,  in  partnership.  We  waited  until  we  expected 
rain  was  near  falling  to  extinguifh  the  fire,  and  then  we 
kindled  a  large  circle  in  the  prairie.  At  this  time,  or 
before  the  bucks  began  to  run  a  great  number  of  deer 
lay  concealed  in  the  grafs,  in  the  day,  and  moved  about 
in  the  night ;  but  as  the  fire  burned  in  towards  the  cen 
tre  of  the  circle,  the  deer  fled  before  the  fire:  the  Indians 
were  fcattered  alfo  at  fome  diftance  before  the  fire,  and 
mot  them  down  every  opportunity,  which  was  very  fre 
quent,  efpecially  as  the  circle  became  fmall.  When  we 
came  to  divide  the  deer,  there  were  above  ten  to  each 
hunter,  which  were  all  killed  in  a  few  hours.  The  rain 
did  not  come  on  that  night  to  put  out  the  out-fide  cir 
cle  of  the  fire,  and  as  the  wind  arofe,  it  extended  thro 
the  whole  prairie,  which  was  about  fifty  miles  in  length, 
and  in  fome  places  near  twenty  in  breadth.  This  put 
an  end  to  our  ring  hunting  this  feafon,  and  was  in  other 
refpects  an  injury  to  us  in  the  hunting  bufinefs;  fo  that 
upon  the  whole  we  received  more  harm  than  benefit  by 


86  Col.  James  Smith. 


our  rapid  hunting  frolic.  We  then  moved  from  the 
north  end  of  the  glades,  and  encamped  at  the  carrying 
place. 

This  place  is  in  the  plains  betwixt  a  creek  that  emp 
ties  into  Sandufky,  and  one  that  runs  into  Sciota:  and 
at  the  time  of  high  water,  or  in  the  fpring  feafon,  there 
is  but  about  one  half  mile  of  portage,  and  that  very 
level,  and  clear  of  rocks,  timber  or  ftones;  fo  that  with 
a  little  digging  there  may  be  water  carriage  the  whole 
way  from  Sciota  to  Lake  Erie. 

From  the  mouth  of  Sandufky  to  the  falls  is  chiefly 
firft  rate  land,  lying  flat  or  level,  intermixed  with  large 
bodies  of  clear  meadows,  where  the  grafs  is  exceeding 
rank,  and  in  many  places  three  or  four  feet  high.  The 
timber  is  oak,  hickory,  walnut,  cherry,  black-afh,  elm, 
fugar-tree,  buckeye,  locuft  and  beech.  In  fome  places 
there  is  wet  timber  land — the  timber  in  thefe  places 
is  chiefly  water-am,  fycamore,  or  button-wood. 

From  the  falls  to  the  prairies,  the  land  lies  well  to 
the  fun,  it  is  neither  too  flat  nor  too  hilly — and  chiefly 
firft  rate.  The  timber  nearly  the  fame  as  below  the 
falls,  excepting  the  water-afh. — There  is  alfo  here,  fome 
plats  of  beech  land,  that  appears  to  be  fecond  rate,  as 
it  frequently  produces  fpice-wood.  The  prairie  appears 
to  be  a  tolerable  fertile  foil,  tho  in  many  places  too 
wet  for  cultivation;  yet  I  apprehend  it  would  produce 
timber,  were  it  only  kept  from  fire. 

The  Indians  are  of   the  opinion  that   the   fquirrels 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  87 

plant  all  the  timber;  as  they  bury  a  number  of  nuts 
for  food,  and  only  one  at  a  place.  When  a  fquirrel  is 
killed  the  various  kinds  of  nuts  thus  buried  will  grow. 

I  have  obferved  that  when  thefe  prairies  have  only 
efcaped  fire  for  one  year,  near  where  a  {ingle  tree  flood, 
there  was  a  young  growth  of  timber  fuppofed  to  be 
planted  by  the  fquirrels ;  but  when  the  prairies  were 
again  burned,  all  this  young  growth  was  immediately 
confumed;  as  the  fire  rages  in  the  grafs,  to  fuch  a  pitch, 
that  numbers  of  racoons  are  thereby  burned  to  death. 

On  the  weft  fide  of  the  prairie,  or  betwixt  that  and 
Sciota,  there  is  a  large  body  of  firft  rate  land — the  tim 
ber,  walnut,  locuft,  fugar-tree,  buckeye,  cherry,  am,  elm, 
mulberry,  plumb  trees,  fpicewood,  black-haw,  red-haw, 
oak  and  hickory. 

About  the  time  the  bucks  quit  running,  Tontileaugo 
his  wife  and  children,  Tecaughretanego,  his  fon  Nun- 
gany  and  myfelf  left  the  Wiandot  camps  at  the  carrying 
place,  and  crofTed  the  Sciota  river  at  the  fouth  end  of 
the  glades,  and  proceeded  on  about  a  fouth-weft  courfe 
to  a  large  creek  called  Ollentangy,  which  I  believe  in 
terlocks  with  the  waters  of  the  Miami,  and  empties 
into  Sciota  on  the  weft  fide  thereof.  From  the  fouth 
end  of  the  prairie  to  Ollentangy,  there  is  a  large  quan 
tity  of  beech  land,  intermixed  with  firft  rate  land.  Here 
we  made  our  winter  hut,  and  had  confiderable  fuccefs  in 
hunting. 

After  fome  time  one  of  Tontileaugo's  ftep-fons,  (a 


88  Col.  James  Smith. 


lad  about  eight  years  of  age)  offended  him,  and  he  gave 
the  boy  a  moderate  whipping,  which  much  difpleafed 
his  Wiandot  wife.  She  acknowledged  that  the  boy  was 
guilty  of  a  fault,  but  thought  that  he  ought  to  have 
been  ducked,  which  is  their  ufual  mode  of  chafhifement. 
She  faid  me  could  not  bear  to  have  her  fon  whipped  like 
a  fervant  or  (lave — and  me  was  fo  difpleafed  that  when 
Tontileaugo  went  out  to  hunt,  me  got  her  two  horfes, 
and  all  her  effects,  (as  in  this  country  the  hufband  and 
wife  have  feparate  interefts)  and  moved  back  to  the 
Wiandot  camps  that  we  had  left. 

When  Tontileaugo  returned,  he  was  much  disturbed 
on  hearing  of  his  wife's  elopement,  and  faid  that  he 
would  never  go  after  her  were  it  not  that  he  was  afraid 
that  me  would  get  bewildered,  and  that  his  children  that 
me  had  taken  with  her,  might  fuffer.  Tontileaugo  went 
after  his  wife,  and  when  they  met  they  made  up  the 
quarrel,  and  he  never  returned ;  but  left  Tecaughretan- 
ego  and  his  fon,  (a  boy  about  ten  years  of  age)  and 
myfelf,  who  remained  here  in  our  hut  all  winter. 

Tecaughretanego  who  had  been  a  firft  rate  warior, 
ftatefman  and  hunter ;  and  though  he  was  now  near 
iixty  years  of  age,  he  was  yet  equal  to  the  common  run 
of  hunters,  but  fubjecl:  to  the  rheumatifm,  which  de 
prived  him  of  the  ufe  of  his  legs. 

Shortly  after  Tontileaugo  left  us,  Tecaughretanego 
became  lame,  and  could  fcarcely  walk  out  of  our  hut  for 
two  months.  I  had  confiderable  fuccefs  in  hunting  and 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  89 

trapping.  Though  Tecaughretanego  endured  much 
pain  and  mifery,  yet  he  bore  it  all  with  wonderful 
patience,  and  would  often  endeavor  to  entertain  me 
with  chearful  converfation.  Sometimes  he  would  ap 
plaud  me  for  my  diligence,  (kill  and  activity — and  at 
other  times  he  would  take  great  care  in  giving  me  in- 
rtructions  concerning  the  hunting  and  trapping  bufinefs. 
He  would  alfo  tell  me  that  if  I  failed  of  fuccefs,  we 
would  fuffer  very  much,  as  we  were  about  forty  miles 
from  any  one  living,  that  we  knew  of;  yet  he  would 
not  intimate  that  he  apprehended  we  were  in  any  dan 
ger,  but  flill  fuppofed  that  I  was  fully  adequate  to  the 
tafk. 

Tontileaugo  left  us  a  little  before  Chrifhmas,  and 
from  that  until  fome  time  in  February,  we  had  always 
plenty  of  bear  meat,  venifon,  &c.  During  this  time  I 
killed  much  more  than  we  could  ufe,  but  having  no 
horfes  to  carry  in  what  I  killed,  I  left  part  of  it  in  the 
woods.  In  February  there  came  a  fnow,  with  a  cruft, 
which  made  a  great  noife  when  walking  on  it,  and 
frightened  away  the  deer ;  and  as  bear  and  beaver  were 
fcarce  here,  we  got  entirely  out  of  provifion.  After  I 
had  hunted  two  days  without  eating  any  thing,  and  had 
very  fhort  allowance  for  fome  days  before,  I  returned 
late  in  the  evening  faint  and  weary.  When  I  came  into 
our  hut,  Tecaughretanego  aiked  what  fuccefs  ?  I  told 
him  not  any.  He  afked  me  if  I  was  not  very  hungry? 
I  replied  that  the  keen  appetite  feemed  to  be  in  fome 

12 


90  Col.  James  Smith. 


meafure  removed,  but  I  was  both  faint  and  weary.  He 
commanded  Nunganey  his  little  fon,  to  bring  me  fome- 
thing  to  eat,  and  he  brought  me  a  kettle  with  fome 
bones  and  broth, — after  eating  a  few  mouthfuls  my  ap 
petite  violently  returned,  and  I  thought  the  victuals  had 
a  moil  agreeable  realifh,  though  it  was  only  fox  and  wild 
cat  bones,  which  lay  about  the  camp,  which  the  ravens 
and  turkey-buzzards  had  picked — thefe  Nunganey  had 
collected  and  boiled,  until  the  finews  that  remained  on 
the  bones  would  ftrip  off.  I  fpeedily  finifhed  my  allow 
ance,  fuch  as  it  was,  and  when  I  had  ended  my  Jweet 
repair.,  Tecaughretanego  afked  me  how  I  felt  ?  I  told 
him  that  I  was  much  refrefhed.  He  then  handed  me 
his  pipe  and  pouch,  and  told  me  to  take  a  fmoke.  I 
did  fo.  He  then  faid  he  had  fomething  of  importance 
to  tell  me,  if  I  was  now  compofed  and  ready  to  hear  it. 
I  told  him  that  I  was  ready  to  hear  him.  He  faid  the 
reafon  why  he  deferred  his  fpeech  till  now,  was  becaufe 
few  men  are  in  a  right  humor  to  hear  good  talk,  when 
they  are  extremely  hungry,  as  they  are  then  generally 
fretful  and  difcompofed ;  but  as  you  appear  now  to 
enjoy  calmnefs  and  ferenity  of  mind,  I  will  now  com 
municate  to  you  the  thoughts  of  my  heart,  and  thofe 
things  that  I  know  to  be  true. 

£<  Er other, 

"  As  you  have  lived  with  the  white  people,  you  have 
not  had  the  fame  advantage  of  knowing  that  the  great 
being  above  feeds  his  people,  and  gives  them  their  meat 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  91 

in  due  feafon,  as  we  Indians  have,  who  are  frequently 
out  of  provisions,  and  yet  are  wonderfully  fupplied,  and 
that  fo  frequently  that  it  is  evidently  the  hand  of  the 
great  Owaneeyo*  that  doth  this :  whereas  the  white 
people  have  commonly  large  flocks  of  tame  cattle,  that 
they  can  kill  when  they  pleafe,  and  alfo  their  barns  and 
cribs  rilled  with  grain,  and  therefore  have  not  the  fame 
opportunity  of  feeing  and  knowing  that  they  are  fup- 
ported  by  the  ruler  of  Heaven  and  Earth. 
"Brother, 

cc  I  know  that  you  are  now  afraid  that  we  will  all 
perim  with  hunger,  but  you  have  no  juft  reafon  to  fear 
this. 

"  Brother, 

"  I  have  been  young,  but  am  now  old — I  have  been 
frequently  under  the  like  circumftance  that  we  now  are, 
and  that  fome  time  or  other  in  almoft  every  year  of  my 
life;  yet,  I  have  hitherto  been  fupported,  and  my  wants 
fupplied  in  time  of  need. 
"Brother, 

"  Owaneeyo  fome  times  fuffers  us  to  be  in  want,  in 
order  to  teach  us  our  dependance  upon  him,  and  to  let 
us  know  that  we  are  to  love  and  ferve  him  :  and  like- 
wife  to  know  the  worth  of  the  favors  that  we  receive, 
and  to  make  us  more  thankful. 


*  This  is  the  name  of  God,  in  their  tongue,  and  fignifies  the  owner 
and  ruler  of  all  things. 


92  Col.  James  Smith. 


"Brother, 

((  Be  aflured  that  you  will  be  fupplied  with  food,  and 
that  juft  in  the  right  time ;  but  you  muft  continue  dili 
gent  in  the  ufe  of  means — go  to  fleep,  and  rife  early  in 
the  morning  and  go  a  hunting — be  ftrong  and  exert 
yourfelf  like  a  man,  and  the  great  fpirit  will  direct  your 
way." 

The  next  morning  I  went  out,  and  fleered  about  an 
eaft  courfe.  I  proceeded  on  flowly  for  about  five  miles, 
and  faw  deer  frequently,  but  as  the  cruft  on  the  fnow 
made  a  great  noife,  they  were  always  running  before  I 
fpied  them,  fo  that  I  could  not  get  a  moot.  A  violent 
appetite  returned,  and  I  became  intolerably  hungry ; — 
it  was  now  that  I  concluded  I  would  run  off  to  Penn- 
fylvania,  my  native  country.  As  the  fnow  was  on  the 
ground,  and  Indian  hunters  almoft  the  whole  of  the 
way  before  me,  I  had  but  a  poor  profpect  of  making  my 
efcape;  but  my  cafe  appeared  defperate.  If  I  {laid  here 
I  thought  I  would  perim  with  hunger,  and  if  I  met  with 
Indians,  they  could  but  kill  me. 

I  then  proceeded  on  as  faft  as  I  could  walk,  and  when 
I  got  about  ten  or  twelve  miles  from  our  hut,  I  came 
upon  frefh  buffaloe  tracks, — I  purfued  after,  and  in  a 
fhort  time  came  in  fight  of  them,  as  they  were  pairing 
through  a  fmall  glade — I  ran  with  all  my  might,  and 
headed  them,  where  I  lay  in  ambulh,  and  killed  a  very 
large  cow.  I  immediately  kindled  a  fire  and  began  to 
roafl  meat,  but  could  not  wait  till  it  was  done — I  ate  it 


Remarkable  Occurrences^  Etc.  93 

almoft  raw.  When  hunger  was  abated  I  began  to  be 
tenderly  concerned  for  my  old  Indian  brother,  and  the 
little  boy  I  had  left  in  a  perifhing  condition.  I  made 
hafte  and  packed  up  what  meat  I  could  carry,  fecured 
what  I  left  from  the  wolves,  and  returned  homewards. 

I  fcarcely  thought  on  the  old  man's  fpeech  while  I 
was  almoft  diftracted  with  hunger,  but  on  my  return 
was  much  affected  with  it,  reflected  on  myfelf  for  my 
hard-heartednefs  and  ingratitude,  in  attempting  to  run 
off  and  leave  the  venerable  old  man  and  little  boy  to 
perifh  with  hunger.  I  alfo  confidered  how  remarkably 
the  old  man's  fpeech  had  been  verified  in  our  provi 
dentially  obtaining  a  fupply.  I  thought  alfo  of  that 
part  of  his  fpeech  which  treated  of  the  fractious  difpofi- 
tions  of  hungry  people,  which  was  the  only  excufe  I 
had  for  my  bafe  inhumanity,  in  attempting  to  leave 
them  in  the  moft  deplorable  fituation. 

As  it  was  moon-light,  I  got  home  to  our  hut,  and 
found  the  old  man  in  his  ufual  good  humor.  He 
thanked  me  for  my  exertion,  and  bid  me  fit  down,  as  I 
muft  certainly  be  fatigued,  and  he  commanded  Nunganey 
to  make  hafte  and  cook.  I  told  him  I  would  cook  for 
him,  and  let  the  boy  lay  fome  meat  on  the  coals,  for 
himfelf— which  he  did,  but  ate  it  almoft  raw,  as  I  had 
done.  I  immediately  hung  on  the  kettle  with  fome 
water,  and  cut  the  beef  in  thin  flices,  and  put  them  in  : 
— when  it  had  boiled  awhile,  I  propofed  taking  it  off 
the  fire,  but  the  old  man  replied,  "  let  it  be  done 


94  Col.   James  Smith. 


enough."  This  he  faid  in  as  patient  and  unconcerned 
a  manner,  as  if  he  had  not  wanted  one  fingle  meal.  He 
commanded  Nunganey  to  eat  no  more  beef  at  that  time, 
leaft  he  might  hurt  himfelf ;  but  told  him  to  fit  down, 
and  after  fome  time  he  might  fup  fome  broth — this 
command  he  reluctantly  obeyed. 

When  we  were  all  refrefhed,  Tecaughretanego  deliv 
ered  a  fpeech  upon  the  neceffity  and  pleafure  of  receiving 
the  neceflary  fupports  of  life  with  thankfulnefs,  knowing 
that  Owaneeyo  is  the  great  giver.  Such  fpeeches  from 
an  Indian,  may  be  tho't  by  thofe  who  are  unacquainted 
with  them,  altogether  incredible ;  but  when  we  reflect 
on  the  Indian  war,  we  may  readily  conclude  that  they 
are  not  an  ignorant  or  ftupid  fort  of  people,  or  they 
would  not  have  been  fuch  fatal  enemies.  When  they 
came  into  our  country  they  outwitted  us — and  when  we 
lent  armies  into  their  country,  they  outgeneralled,  and 
beat  us  with  inferior  force.  Let  us  alfo  take  into  con- 
fideration  that  Tecaughretanego  was  no  common  perfon, 
but  was  among  the  Indians,  as  Socrates  in  the  ancient 
Heathen  world ;  and  it  may  be,  equal  to  him — if  not 
in  wifdom  and  learning,  yet,  perhaps  in  patience  and 
fortitude.  Notwithstanding  Tecaughretanego's  uncom 
mon  natural  abilities,  yet  in  the  fequel  of  this  hiftory 
you  will  fee  the  deficiency  of  the  light  of  nature,  unaided 
by  revelation,  in  this  truly  great  man. 

The  next  morning  Tecaughretanego  defired  me  to  go 
back  and  bring  another  load  of  buffaloe  beef:  As  I 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  95 

proceeded  to  do  fo,  about  five  miles  from  our  hut  I 
found  a  bear  tree.  As  a  fapling,  grew  near  the  tree,  and 
reached  near  the  hole  that  the  bear  went  in  at,  I  got  dry 
dozed  or  rotten  wood,  that  would  catch  and  hold  fire 
almoft  as  well  as  fpunk.  This  wood  I  tied  up  in 
bunches,  fixed  them  on  my  back,  and  then  climbed  up 
the  fapling,  and  with  a  pole,  I  put  them  touched  with 
fire,  into  the  hole,  and  then  came  down  and  took  my 
gun  in  my  hand.  After  fome  time  the  bear  came  out, 
and  I  killed  and  fkinned  it,  packed  up  a  load  of  the 
meat,  (after  fecuring  the  remainder  from  the  wolves) 
and  returned  home  before  night.  On  my  return  my 
old  brother  and  his  fon  were  much  rejoiced  at  my  fuc- 
cefs.  After  this  we  had  plenty  of  provifion. 

We  remained  here  until  fome  time  in  April  1758. 
At  this  time  Tecaughretanego  had  recovered  fo,  that  he 
could  walk  about.  We  made  a  bark  canoe,  embarked, 
and  went  down  Ollentangy  fome  diftance,  but  the  water 
being  low,  we  were  in  danger  of  fplitting  our  canoe  upon 
the  rocks :  therefore  Tecaughretanego  concluded  we 
would  encamp  on  fhore,  and  pray  for  rain. 

When  we  encamped,  Tecaughretanego  made  himfelf 
a  fweat-houfe ;  which  he  did  by  flicking  a  number  of 
hoops  in  the  ground,  each  hoop  forming  a  femi-circle — 
this  he  covered  all  round  with  blankets  and  fkins ;  he 
then  prepared  hot  ftones,  which  he  rolled  into  this  hut, 
and  then  went  into  it  himfelf,  with  a  little  kettle  of 
water  in  his  hand,  mixed  with  a  variety  of  herbs,  which 


96  Col.  James  Smith. 


he  had  formerly  cured,  and  had  now  with  him  in  his 
pack — they  afforded  an  odoriferous  perfume.  When  he 
was  in,  he  told  me  to  pull  down  the  blankets  behind 
him,  and  cover  all  up  clofe,  which  I  did,  and  then  he 
began  to  pour  water  upon  the  hot  flones,  and  to  ring 
aloud.  He  continued  in  this  vehement  hot  place  about 
fifteen  minutes : — all  this  he  did  in  order  to  purify  him- 
felf  before  he  would  addrefs  the  Supreme  Being.  When 
he  came  out  of  his  fweat-houfe,  he  began  to  burn  to 
bacco  and  to  pray.  He  began  each  petition  with  oh,  ho, 
ho,  ho,  which  is  a  kind  of  afpiration,  and  iignifies  an 
ardent  wifh.  I  obferved  that  all  his  petitions  were 
only  for  immediate,  or  prefent  temporal  bleffings.  He 
began  his  addrefs  by  thankfgiving,  in  the  following 
manner: 

<c  O  great  being!  I  thank  thee  that  I  have  obtained 
the  ufe  of  my  legs  again — that  I  am  now  able  to  walk 
about  and  kill  turkeys,  &c.  without  feeling  exquifite 
pain  and  mifery:  I  know  that  thou  art  a  hearer  and  a 
helper,  and  therefore  I  will  call  upon  thee. 

"Oh,  ho,  ho,  ho, 

"  Grant  that  my  knees  and  ancles  may  be  right  well, 
and  that  I  may  be  able,  not  only  to  walk,  but  to  run, 
and  to  jump  logs,  as  I  did  laft  fall. 

"Oh,  ho,  ho,  ho, 

"  Grant  that  on  this  voyage  we  may  frequently  kill 
bears,  as  they  may  be  eroding  the  Sciota  and  San- 
dufky. 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  97 

"Oh,  ho,  ho,  ho, 

cc  Grant  that  we  may  kill  plenty  of  Turkeys  along 
the  banks,  to  flew  with  our  fat  bear  meat. 

"OA,  ho,  ho,  ho, 

"Grant  that  rain  may  come  to  raife  the  Ollentangy 
about  two  or  three  feet,  that  we  may  crofs  in  fafety  down 
to  Sciota,  without  danger  of  our  canoe  being  wrecked 
on  the  rocks; — and  now,  O  great  being!  thou  knoweft 
how  matters  ftand — thou  knoweft  that  I  am  a  great 
lover  of  tobacco,  and  though  I  know  not  when  I  may 
get  any  more,  I  now  make  a  prefent  of  the  laft  I  have 
unto  thee,  as  a  free  burnt  offering;  therefore  I  expect 
thou  wilt  hear  and  grant  thefe  requefts,  and  I  thy  fervant 
will  return  thee  thanks,  and  love  thee  for  thy  gifts." 

During  the  whole  of  this  fcene  I  fat  by  Tecaughre- 
tanego,  and  as  he  went  through  it  with  the  greateft 
folemnity,  I  was  ferioufly  affected  with  his  prayers.  I 
remained  duly  compofed  until  he  came  to  the  burning 
of  the  tobacco,  and  as  I  knew  that  he  was  a  great  lover 
of  it,  and  faw  him  caft  the  laft  of  it  into  the  fire,  it 
excited  in  me  a  kind  of  meriment,  and  I  infenfibly 
fmiled.  Tecaughretanego  obferved  me  laughing,  which 
difpleafed  him,  and  occafloned  him  to  addrefs  me  in  the 
following  manner. 
"Brother, 

"I  have  fomewhat  to  fay  to  you,  and  I  hope  you 
will  not  be  offended  when    I   tell  you  of  your  faults. 
You  know  that  when  you  were  reading  your  books  in 
'3 


98  Col.   James  Smith. 


town,  I  would  not  let  the  boys  or  any  one  diflurb 
you ;  but  now  when  I  was  praying,  I  faw  you  laughing. 
I  do  not  think  that  you  look  upon  praying  as  a  foolifh 
thing ; — I  believe  you  pray  yourfelf.  But  perhaps  you 
may  think  my  mode,  or  manner  of  prayer  foolifh ;  if 
fo,  you  ought  in  a  friendly  manner  to  inftru6l  me,  and 
not  make  fport  of  facred  things." 

I  acknowledged  my  error,  and  on  this  he  handed  me 
his  pipe  to  fmoke,  in  token  of  friendfhip  and  recon 
ciliation;  though  at  that  time  he  had  nothing  to  fmoke, 
but  red-willow  bark.  I  told  him  fomething  of  the 
method  of  reconciliation  with  an  offended  God,  as  re 
vealed  in  my  Bible,  which  I  had  then  in  poffeffion. 
He  faid  that  he  liked  my  ftory  better  than  that  of  the 
French  priefts,  but  he  thought  that  he  was  now  too  old 
to  begin  to  learn  a  new  religion,  therefore  he  mould 
continue  to  worfhip  God  in  the  way  that  he  had  been 
taught,  and  that  if  falvation  or  future  happinefs  was  to 
be  had  in  his  way  of  worfhip,  he  expected  he  would 
obtain  it,  and  if  it  was  inconfiftent  with  the  honor  of 
the  great  fpirit  to  accept  of  him  in  his  own  way  of  wor 
fhip,  he  hoped  that  Owaneeyo  would  accept  of  him  in 
the  way  I  had  mentioned,  or  in  fome  other  way,  though 
he  might  now  be  ignorant  of  the  channel  through  which 
favor  or  mercy  might  be  conveyed.  He  faid  that  he 
believed  that  Owaneeyo  would  hear  and  help  every  one 
that  fincerely  waited  upon  him. 

Here  we  may  fee  how  far  the  light  of  nature  could 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  99 

go ;  perhaps  we  fee  it  here  almoft  in  its  higheft  extent. 
Notwithstanding  the  juft  views  that  this  great  man  en 
tertained  of  Providence,  yet  we  now  fee  him  (though  he 
acknowledged  his  guilt)  expecting  to  appeafe  the  Deity, 
and  procure  his  favor,  by  burning  a  little  tobacco.  We 
may  obferve  that  all  Heathen  nations,  as  far  as  we  can 
find  out  either  by  tradition  or  the  light  of  Nature, 
agree  with  Revelation  in  this,  that  facrifice  is  neceflary, 
or  that  fome  kind  of  atonement  is  to  be  made,  in 
order  to  remove  guilt,  and  reconcile  them  to  God. 
This,  accompanied  with  numberlefs  other  witnefles,  is 
fufficient  evidence  of  the  rationality  the  truth  of  the 
Scriptures. 

A  few  days  after  Tecaughretanego  had  gone  through 
his  ceremonies,  and  finifhed  his  prayers,  the  rain  came 
and  raifed  the  creek  a  fufficient  height,  fo  that  we  parTed 
in  fafety  down  to  Sciota,  and  proceeded  up  to  the  car 
rying  place.  Let  us  now  defcribe  the  land  on  this  route, 
from  our  winter  hut,  and  down  Ollentangy  to  the  Sci 
ota,  and  up  it  to  the  carrying  place. 

About  our  winter  cabbin  is  chiefly  firft  and  fecond  rate 
land.  A  confiderable  way  up  Ollentangy  on  the  fouth- 
weft  fide  thereof,  or  betwixt  it  and  the  Miami,  there  is 
a  very  large  prairie,  and  from  this  prairie  down  Ollen 
tangy  to  Sciota,  is  generally  firft  rate  land.  The  timber 
is  walnut,  fugar-tree,  am,  buckeye,  locuft,  wild-cherry, 
and  fpice-wood,  intermixed  with  fome  oak  and  beech. 
From  the  mouth  of  Ollentangy  on  the  eaft  fide  of  Sciota, 


ioo  Col.  James  Smith. 


up  to  the  carrying  place,  there  is  a  large  body  of  firft 
and  fecond  rate  land,  and  tolerably  well  watered.  The 
timber  is  am,  fugar-tree,  walnut,  locuft,  oak,  and  beech. 
Up  near  the  carrying  place,  the  land  is  a  little  hilly,  but 
the  foil  good. 

We  proceeded  from  this  place  down  Sandufky,  and 
in  our  pafTage  we  killed  four  bears,  and  a  number  of 
turkeys.  Tecaughretanego  appeared  now  fully  per- 
fuaded  that  all  this  came  in  anfwer  to  his  prayers — and 
who  can  fay  with  any  degree  of  certainty  that  it  was 
not  fo  ? 

When  we  came  to  the  little  lake  at  the  mouth  of  San 
dufky  we  called  at  a  Wiandot  town  that  was  then  there, 
called  Sunyendeand.  Here  we  diverted  ourfelves  fev- 
eral  days,  by  catching  rock-rim  in  a  fmall  creek,  the 
name  of  which  is  alfo  Sunyendeand,  which  fignifies 
Rock-Fim.  They  timed  in  the  night,  with  lights,  and 
ftruck  the  fifh  with  giggs  or  fpears.  The  rock-rim  here, 
when  they  begin  firft  to  run  up  the  creek  to  fpawn,  are 
exceeding  fat,  and  fufficient  to  fry  themfelves.  The 
firft  night  we  fcarcely  caught  fifh  enough  for  prefent 
ufe,  for  all  that  was  in  the  town. 

The  next  morning  I  met  with  a  prifoner  at  this  place, 
by  the  name  of  Thompfon,  who  had  been  taken  from 
Virginia:  he  told  me  if  the  Indians  would  only  omit 
difturbing  the  fifh  for  one  night,  he  could  catch  more 
fifh  than  the  whole  town  could  make  ufe  of.  I  told 
Mr.  Thompfon  that  if  he  was  certain  that  he  could  do 


Remarkable  Occurrences ,  Etc.  101 

this,  that  I  would  ufe  my  influence  with  the  Indians,  to 
let  the  fifh  alone  for  one  night.  I  applied  to  the  chiefs, 
who  agreed  to  my  propofal,  and  faid  they  were  anxious 
to  fee  what  the  Great  Knife  (as  they  called  the  Virgin 
ian)  could  do.  Mr.  Thompfon,  with  the  afliftance  of 
fome  other  prifoners,  fet  to  work,  and  made  a  hoop  net 
of  Elm  bark :  they  then  cut  down  a  tree  acrofs  the 
creek,  and  ftuck  in  flakes  at  the  lower  fide  of  it,  to  pre 
vent  the  fifh  from  pafling  up,  leaving  only  a  gap  at  the 
one  fide  of  the  creek: — here  he  fat  with  his  net,  and 
when  he  felt  the  fifh  touch  the  net  he  drew  it  up,  and 
frequently  would  hawl  out  two  or  three  rock-fiih  that 
would  weigh  about  five  or  fix  pounds  each.  He  con 
tinued  at  this  until  he  had  hawled  out  about  a  waggon 
load,  and  then  left  the  gap  open,  in  order  to  let  them 
pafs  up,  for  they  could  not  go  far,  on  account  of  the 
fhallow  water.  Before  day  Mr.  Thompfon  fhut  it  up, 
to  prevent  them  from  paffing  down,  in  order  to  let  the 
Indians  have  fome  diverfion  in  killing  them  in  daylight. 
When  the  news  of  the  fifh  came  to  town,  the  Indians 
all  collected,  and  with  furprize  beheld  the  large  heap  of 
fifh,  and  applauded  the  ingenuity  of  the  Virginian. 
When  they  faw  the  number  of  them  that  were  confined 
in  the  water  above  the  tree,  the  young  Indians  ran  back 
to  the  town,  and  in  a  fhort  time  returned  with  their 
fpears,  giggs,  bows  and  arrows,  &c.  and  were  the  chief 
of  that  day  engaged  in  killing  rock-fifh,  infomuch  that 
we  had  more  than  we  could  ufe  or  preferve.  As  we  had 


IO2  Col.   James  Smith. 


no  fait,  or  any  way  to  keep  them,  they  lay  upon  the 
banks,  and  after  fome  time  great  numbers  of  turkey- 
buzzards  and  eagles  collected  together  and  devoured 
them. 

Shortly  after  this  we  left  Sunyendeand,  and  in  three 
days  arrived  at  Detroit,  where  we  remained  this  fum- 
mer. 

Some  time  in^May  we  heard  that  General  Forbes, 
with  feven  thoufand  men  was  preparing  to  carry  on  a 
campaign  againfl  Fort  DuQuefne,  which  then  flood  near 
where  Fort  Pitt  was  afterwards  erected.  Upon  receiv 
ing  this  news  a  number  of  runners  were  fent  off  by  the 
French  commander  at  Detroit,  to  urge  the  different 
tribes  of  Indian  warriors  to  repair  to  Fort  DuQuefne. 

Some  time  in  July  1758,  the  Ottowas,  Jibewas,  Poto- 
watomies  and  Wiandots  rendezvoufed  at  Detroit,  and 
marched  off  to  Fort  DuQuefne,  to  prepare  for  the  en 
counter  of  General  Forbes.  The  common  report  was, 
that  they  would  ferve  him  as  they  did  General  Brad- 
dock,  and  obtain  much  plunder.  From  this  time,  until 
fall,  we  had  frequent  accounts  of  Forbes's  army,  by 
Indian  runners  that  were  fent  out  to  watch  their  motion. 
They  fpied  them  frequently  from  the  mountains  ever 
after  they  left  Fort  Loudon.  Notwithftanding  their 
vigilence,  colonel  Grant  with  his  Highlanders  ftole  a 
march  upon  them,  and  in  the  night  took  pofTefTion  of  a 
hill  about  eighty  rod  from  Fort  DuQuefne : — this  hill 
is  on  that  account  called  Grant's  hill  to  this  day.  The 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  103 

French  and  Indians  knew  not  that  Grant  and  his  men 
were  there  until  they  beat  the  drum  and  played  upon 
the  bag-pipes,  juft  at  day-light.  They  then  flew  to 
arms,  and  the  Indians  ran  up  under  covert  of  the  banks 
of  Allegheny  and  Monongahela,  for  fome  diftance,  and 
then  fallied  out  from  the  banks  of  the  rivers,  and  took 
porTeffion  of  the  hill  above  Grant ;  and  as  he  was  on 
the  point  of  it  in  fight  of  the  fort,  they  immediately 
furrounded  him,  and  as  he  had  his  Highlanders  in  ranks, 
and  very  clofe  order,  and  the  Indians  fcattered,  and  con 
cealed  behind  trees,  they  defeated  him  with  the  lofs  only 
of  a  few  warriors: — moil  of  the  Highlanders  were  killed 
or  taken  prifoners. 

After  this  defeat  the  Indians  held  a  council,  but  were 
divided  in  their  opinions.  Some  faid  that  general 
Forbes  would  now  turn  back,  and  go  home  the  way 
that  he  came,  as  Dunbar  had  done  when  General  Brad- 
dock  was  defeated :  others  fuppofed  he  would  come  on. 
The  French  urged  the  Indians  to  ftay  and  fee  the  event: 
— but  as  it  was  hard  for  the  Indians  to  be  abfent  from 
their  fquaws  and  children,  at  this  feafon  of  the  year,  a 
great  many  of  them  returned  home  to  their  hunting. 
After  this,  the  remainder  of  the  Indians,  fome  French 
regulars,  and  a  number  of  Canadians,  marched  off  in 
queft  of  General  Forbes.  They  met  his  army  near 
Fort  Ligoneer,  and  attacked  them,  but  were  frustrated 
in  their  defign.  They  faid  that  Forbes's  men  were  be 
ginning  to  learn  the  art  of  war,  and  that  there  were  a 


IO4  Col.  James  Smith. 


great  number  of  American  riflemen  along  with  the  red 
coats,  who  Scattered  out,  took  trees,  and  were  good 
marks-men;  therefore  they  found  they  could  not  accom- 
plifh  their  deflgn,  and  were  obliged  to  retreat.  When 
they  returned  from  the  battle  to  Fort  DuQuefne,  the 
Indians  concluded  that  they  would  go  to  their  hunting. 
The  French  endeavored  to  perfuade  them  to  flay  and 
try  another  battle.  The  Indians  faid  if  it  was  only  the 
red-coats  they  had  to  do  with,  they  could  foon  fubdue 
them,  but  they  could  not  withftand  Aflialecoa,  or  the 
Great  Knife,  which  was  the  name  they  gave  the  Virgin 
ians.  They  then  returned  home  to  their  hunting,  and 
the  French  evacuated  the  fort,  which  General  Forbes 
came  and  took  pofleffion  of  without  further  oppofition, 
late  in  the  year  1758,  and  at  this  time  began  to  build 
Fort  Pitt. 

When  Tecaughretanego  had  heard  the  particulars  of 
Grant's  defeat,  he  faid  that  he  could  not  well  account 
for  his  contradictory  and  inconflftent  conduct.  He  faid 
as  the  art  of  war  conflfts  in  ambufhing  and  furprizing 
our  enemies,  and  in  preventing  them  from  ambufhing 
and  furprizing  us;  Grant,  in  the  firft  place,  acted  like  a 
wife  and  experienced  officer,  in  artfully  approaching  in 
the  night  without  being  difcovered ;  but  when  he  came 
to  the  place,  and  the  Indians  were  lying  afleep  outride 
of  the  fort,  between  him  and  the  Allegheny  river,  in 
place  of  flipping  up  quietly,  and  falling  upon  them 
with  their  broad  fwords,  they  beat  the  drums  and  played 


Remarkable  Occurrences ,  Etc.  105 

upon  the  bag-pipes.  He  faid  he  could  account  for 
this  inconfiftent  conduct  no  other  way  than  by  fuppofmg 
that  he  had  made  too  free  with  fpirituous  liquors  during 
the  night,  and  became  intoxicated  about  day-light.  But 
to  return : 

This  year  we  hunted  up  Sandufky,  and  down  Sciota, 
took  nearly  the  fame  route  that  we  had  done  the  laft 
hunting  feafon.  We  had  confiderable  fuccefs,  and  re 
turned  to  Detroit  fome  time  in  April  1759. 

Shortly  after  this,  Tecaughretanego,  his  fon  Nungany 
and  myfelf,  went  from  Detroit,  (in  an  elm  bark  canoe) 
to  Caughnewaga,  a  very  ancient  Indian  town,  about 
nine  miles  above  Montreal,  where  I  remained  until 
about  the  firft  of  July.  I  then  heard  of  a  French  fhip 
at  Montreal  that  had  Englim  prifoners  on  board,  in 
order  to  carry  them  over  fea,  and  exchange  them.  I 
went  privately  off  from  the  Indians,  and  got  alfo  on 
board;  but  as  general  Wolfe  had  ftopped  the  River  St. 
Laurence,  we  were  all  fent  to  prifon  at  Montreal,  where 
I  remained  four  months.  Some  time  in  November  we 
were  all  fent  off  from  this  place  to  Cr6wn  Point,  and 
exchanged. 

Early  in  the  year  1760,  I  came  home  to  Conoco- 
cheague,  and  found  that  my  people  could  never  afcer- 
tain  whether  I  was  killed  or  taken,  until  my  return. 
They  received  me  with  great  joy,  but  were  furprifed  to 
fee  me  fo  much  like  an  Indian,  both  in  my  gait  and 
geflure. 


106  Col.  James  Smith. 


Upon  enquiry,  I  found  that  my  fweet-heart  was  mar 
ried  a  few  days  before  I  arrived.  My  feelings  I  muft 
leave  on  this  occafion,  for  thofe  of  my  readers  to  judge, 
who  have  felt  the  pangs  of  difappointed  love,  as  it  is 
impoffible  now  for  me  to  defcribe  the  emotion  of  foul  I 
felt  at  that  time. 

Now  there  was  peace  with  the  Indians  which  lafted 
until  the  year  1763.  Sometime  in  May,  this  year,  I 
married,  and  about  that  time  the  Indians  again  com 
menced  hoftilities,  and  were  bufily  engaged  in  killing 
and  fcalping  the  frontier  inhabitants  in  various  parts  of 
Pennfylvania.  The  whole  Conococheague  Valley,  from 
the  North  to  the  South  Mountain,  had  been  almoft  en 
tirely  evacuated  during  Braddock's  war.  This  ftate  was 
then  a  Quaker  government,  and  at  the  firft  of  this  war 
the  frontiers  received  no  affiftance  from  the  ftate.  As 
the  people  were  now  beginning  to  live  at  home  again, 
they  thought  hard  to  be  drove  away  a  fecond  time,  and 
were  determined  if  poffible,  to  make  a  ftand:  therefore 
they  raifed  as  much  money  by  collections  and  fubfcrip- 
tions,  as  would'pay  a  company  of  rifle-men  for  feveral 
months.  The  fubfcribers  met  and  elected  a  committee 
to  manage  the  bufinefs.  The  committee  appointed  me 
captain  of  this  company  of  rangers,  and  gave  me  the 
appointment  of  my  fubalterns.  I  chofe  two  of  the  moft 
active  young  men  that  I  could  find,  who  had  alfo  been 
long  in  captivity  with  the  Indians.  As  we  enlifted  our 
men,  we  drefled  them  uniformly  in  the  Indian  manner, 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  107 

with  breech-clouts,  leggins,  mockefons  and  green  fhrouds, 
which  we  wore  in  the  fame  manner  that  the  Indians  do, 
and  nearly  as  the  Highlanders  wear  their  plaids.  In 
place  of  hats  we  wore  red  handkerchiefs,  and  painted  our 
faces  red  and  black,  like  Indian  warriors.  I  taught  them 
the  Indian  difcipline,  as  I  knew  of  no  other  at  that 
time,  which  would  anfwer  the  purpofe  much  better  than 
Britim.  We  fucceeded  beyond  expectation  in  defending 
the  frontiers,  and  were  extolled  by  our  employers. 
Near  the  conclufion  of  this  expedition,  I  accepted  of  an 
enfign's  commirlion  in  the  regular  fervice,  under  King 
George,  in  what  was  then  called  the  Pennfylvania  line. 
Upon  my  refignation,  my  lieutenant  fucceeded  me  in 
command,  the  reft  of  the  time  they  were  to  ferve.  In 
the  fall  (the  fame  year)  I  went  on  the  Sufquehannah 
campaign,  againft  the  Indians,  under  the  command  of 
General  Armftrong.  In  this  route  we  burnt  the  Dela 
ware  and  Monfey  towns,  on  the  Weft  Branch  of  the 
Sufquehannah,  and  deftroyed  all  their  corn. 

In  the  year  1764,  I  received  a  lieutenant's  commirlion, 
and  went  out  on  General  Bouquet's  campaign  againft 
the  Indians  on  the  Mufkingum.  Here  we  brought 
them  to  terms,  and  promifed  to  be  at  peace  with  them, 
upon  condition  that  they  would  give  up  all  our  people 
that  they  had  then  in  captivity  among  them.  They 
then  delivered  unto  us  three  hundred  of  the  prifoners, 
and  faid  that  they  could  not  colled:  them  all  at  this  time, 
as  it  was  now  late  in  the  year,  and  they  were  far  feat- 


io8  Col.  James  Smith. 

tered;  but  they  promifed  that  they  would  bring  them 
all  into  Fort  Pitt  early  next  fpring,  and  as  fecurity  that 
they  would  do  this,  they  delivered  to  us  fix  of  their 
chiefs,  as  hoftages.  Upon  this  we  fettled  a  ceflation  of 
arms  for  fix  months,  and  promifed  upon  their  fulfilling 
the  aforefaid  condition,  to  make  with  them  a  permanent 
peace. 

A  little  below  Fort  Pitt  the  hoftages  all  made  their 
efcape.  Shortly  after  this  the  Indians  ftole  horfes, 
and  killed  fome  people  on  the  frontiers.  The  king's 
proclamation  was  then  circulating  and  fet  up  in  various 
public  places,  prohibiting  any  perfon  from  trading  with 
the  Indians,  until  further  orders. 

Notwithftanding  all  this,  about  the  firft  of  March 
1765,  a  number  of  waggons  loaded  with  Indian  goods, 
and  warlike  ftores,  were  fent  from  Philadelphia  to  Henry 
Pollen's,  Conococheague,  and  from  thence  feventy  pack- 
horfes  were  loaded  with  thefe  goods,  in  order  to  carry 
them  to  Fort  Pitt.  This  alarmed  the  country,  and  Mr. 
William  Duffield  raifed  about  fifty  armed  men,  and  met 
the  pack-horfes  at  the  place  where  Mercerfburg  now 
{lands.  Mr.  Duffield  defired  the  employers  to  ftore  up 
their  goods,  and  not  proceed  until  further  orders.  They 
made  light  of  this,  and  went  over  the  North  Mountain, 
where  they  lodged  in  a  fmall  valley  called  the  Great 
Cove.  Mr.  Duffield  and  his  party  followed  after,  and 
came  to  their  lodging,  and  again  urged  them  to  ftore  up 
their  goods: — He  reafoned  with  them  on  the  impro- 


Remarkable  Occurrences  >  Etc.  109 

priety  of  their  proceedings,  and  the  great  danger  the 
frontier  inhabitants  would  be  expofed  to,  if  the  Indians 
fhould  now  get  a  fupply: — He  faid  as  it  was  well  known 
that  they  had  fcarcely  any  amunition,  and  were  almoft 
naked,  to  fupply  them  now,  would  be  a  kind  of  murder, 
and  would  be  illegally  trading  at  the  expence  of  the 
blood  and  treafure  of  the  frontiers.  Notwithftanding 
his  powerful  reafoning,  thefe  traders  made  game  of  what 
he  faid,  and  would  only  anfwer  him  by  ludicrous  bur- 
lefque. 

When  I  beheld  this,  and  found  that  Mr.  Duffield 
would  not  compel  them  to  ftore  up  their  goods,  I  col 
lected  ten  of  my  old  warriors,  that  I  had  formerly  dis 
ciplined  in  the  Indian  way,  went  off  privately,  after 
night,  and  encamped  in  the  woods.  The  next  day,  as 
ufual,  we  blacked  and  painted,  and  waylayed  them  near 
Sidelong  Hill.  I  fcattered  my  men  about  forty  rod 
along  the  fide  of  the  road,  and  ordered  every  two  to 
take  a  tree,  and  about  eight  or  ten  rod  between  each 
couple,  with  orders  to  keep  a  referve  fire,  one  not  to 
fire  until  his  comrade  had  loaded  his  gun — by  this 
means  we  kept  up  a  conftant,  flow  fire,  upon  them  from 
front  to  rear: — We  then  heard  nothing  of  thefe  trader's 
merriment  or  burlefque.  When  they  faw  their  pack- 
horfes  falling  clofe  by  them,  they  called  out  pray  gentle 
men^  what  would  you  have  us  to  do?  The  reply  was, 
colleft  all  your  loads  to  the  front ^  and  unload  them  in  one 
place;  take  your  private  property^  and  immediately  retire. 


no  Col.  James  Smith. 


When  they  were  gone,  we  burnt  what  they  left,  which 
confifted  of  blankets,  fhirts,  vermillion,  lead,  beads, 
wampum,  tomahawks,  fcalping  knives,  &c. 

The  traders  went  back  to  Fort  Loudon,  and  applied 
to  the  commanding  officer  there,  and  got  a  party  of 
Highland  foldiers,  and  went  with  them  in  quefl  of  the 
robbers,  as  they  called  us,  and  without  applying  to  a 
magiflrate,  or  obtaining  any  civil  authority,  but  barely 
upon  fufpicion,  they  took  a  number  of  creditable  perfons 
prifoners,  (who  were  chiefly  not  in  any  way  concerned  in 
this  action)  and  confined  them  in  the  guard-houfe  in  Fort 
Loudon.  I  then  raifed  three  hundred  riflemen,  marched 
to  Fort  Loudon,  and  encamped  on  a  hill  in  fight  of  the 
fort.  We  were  not  long  there,  until  we  had  more  than 
double  as  many  of  the  Britifh  troops  prifoners  in  our 
camp,  as  they  had  of  our  people  in  the  guard-houfe. 
Captain  Grant,  a  Highland  officer,  who  commanded 
Fort  Loudon,  then  fent  a  flag  of  truce  to  our  camp, 
where  we  fettled  a  cartel,  and  gave  them  above  two  for 
one,  which  enabled  us  to  redeem  all  our  men  from  the 
guard-houfe,  without  further  difficulty. 

After  this  Captain  Grant  kept  a  number  of  rifle  guns, 
which  the  Highlanders  had  taken  from  the  country  peo 
ple,  and  refufed  to  give  them  up.  As  he  was  riding  out 
one  day,  we  took  him  prifoner,  and  detained  him  until 
he  delivered  up  the  arms;  we  alfo  deftroyed  a  large 
quantity  of  gun-powder  that  the  traders  had  ftored  up, 
left  it  might  be  conveyed  privately  to  the  Indians.  The 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  1 1 1 

king's  troops,  and  our  party,  had  now  got  entirely  out 
of  the  channel  of  the  civil  law,  and  many  unjuftifiable 
things  were  done  by  both  parties.  This  convinced  me 
more  than  ever  I  had  been  before,  of  the  abfolute  neces- 
fity  of  the  civil  law,  in  order  to  govern  mankind. 

About  this  time  the  following  fong  was  compofed  by 
Mr.  George  Campbell  (an  Irifh  gentleman,  who  had 
been  educated  in  Dublin)  and  was  frequently  fung  to 
the  tune  of  the  Black  Joke: 

1.  Ye  patriot  fouls  who  love  to  fmg. 
What  ferves  your  country  and  your  king, 

In  wealth,  peace  and  royal  eftate ; 
Attention  give  whilft  I  rehearfe, 
A  modern  fa&,  in  jingling  verfe, 
How  party  intereft  ftrove  what  it  cou'd, 
To  profit  itfelf  by  public  blood, 

But  juftly  met  its  merited  fate. 

2.  Let  all  thofe  Indian  traders  claim, 
Their  juft  reward,  inglorious  fame, 

For  vile  bafe  and  treacherous  ends. 
To  Poliins,  in  the  fpring  they  fent, 
Much  warlike  {lores,  with  an  intent, 
To  carry  them  to  our  barbarous  foes, 
Expeding  that  no-body  dare  oppofe, 

A  prefent  to  their  Indian  friends. 

3.  Aftonim'd  at  the  wild  defign, 
Frontier  inhabitants  combin'd, 

With  brave  fouls,  to  flop  their  career, 


112  Col.  James  Smith. 


Although  fome  men  apoftatiz'd, 
Who  firft  the  grand  attempt  advis'd, 
The  bold  frontiers  they  bravely  flood, 
To  a&  for  their  king  and  their  country's  good, 
In  joint  league,  and  ftrangers  to  fear. 

4.  On  March  the  fifth,  in  fixty-five, 
Their  Indian  prefents  did  arrive, 

In  long  pomp  and  cavalcade, 
Near  Sidelong  Hill,  where  in  difguife, 
Some  patriots  did  their  train  furprize, 
And  quick  as  lightning  tumbled  their  loads, 
And  kindled  them  bonfires  in  the  woods, 

And  moitly  burnt  their  whole  brigade. 

5.  At  Loudon,  when  they  heard  the  news, 
They  fcarcely  knew  which  way  to  choofe, 

For  blind  rage  and  difcontent ; 
At  length  fome  foldiers  they  fent  out, 
With  guides  for  to  conduct  the  route, 
And  feized  fome  men  that  were  traveling  there, 
And  hurried  them  into  Loudon  where 

They  laid  them  faft  with  one  confent. 

6.  But  men  of  refolution  thought, 

Too  much  to  fee  their  neighbors  caught, 

For  no  crime  but  falfe  furmife  ; 
Forthwith  they  join'd  a  warlike  band, 
And  march'd  to  Loudon  out  of  hand, 
And  kept  the  jailors  prif'ners  there, 
Until  our  friends  enlarged  were, 
Without  fraud  or  any  difguife. 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  113 

7.  Let  mankind  cenfure  or  commend, 
This  ram  performance  in  the  end, 

Then  both  fides  will  find  their  account. 
'Tis  true  no  law  can  juftify, 
To  burn  our  neighbors  property, 
But  when  this  property  is  defign'd, 
To  ferve  the  enemies  of  mankind, 

It's  high  treafon  in  the  amount. 

After  this  we  kept  up  a  guard  of  men  on  the  fron 
tiers,  for  feveral  months,  to  prevent  fupplies  being  fent 
to  the  Indians,  until  it  was  proclaimed  that  Sir  William 
Johnfon  had  made  peace  with  them,  and  then  we  let  the 
traders  pafs  unmolefled. 

In  the  year  1766,  I  heard  that  Sir  William  Johnfon, 
the  king's  agent  for  fettling  affairs  with  the  Indians, 
had  purchafed  from  them  all  the  land  weft  of  the  Appa 
lachian  Mountains,  that  lay  between  the  Ohio  and  the 
Cherokee  River;  and  as  I  knew  by  converfing  with  the 
Indians  in  their  own  tongue,  that  there  was  a  large  body 
of  rich  land  there,  I  concluded  I  would  take  a  tour  weft- 
ward,  and  explore  that  country. 

I  fet  out  about  the  laft  of  June,  1766,  and  went  in 
the  firft  place  to  Holftein  River,  and  from  thence  I 
travelled  weftward  in  company  with  Jofhua  Horton, 
Uriah  Stone,  William  Baker,  and  James  Smith,  who 
came  from  near  Carlifle.  There  was  only  four  white 
men  of  us,  and  a  mulatto  (lave  about  eighteen  years  of 


ii4  C°l-  James  Smith. 


age,  that  Mr.  Horton  had  with  him.  We  explored  the 
country  fouth  of  Kentucky,  and  there  was  no  more  fign 
of  white  men  there  then,  than  there  is  now  weft  of  the 
head  waters  of  the  Miffouri.  We  alfo  explored  Cum 
berland  and  Tenneffee  Rivers,  from  Stone's*  River  down 
to  the  Ohio. 

When  we  came  to  the  mouth  of  Tenneffee  my  fellow 
travellers  concluded  that  they  would  proceed  on  to  the 
Illinois,  and  fee  fome  more  of  the  land  to  the  weft: — this 
I  would  not  agree  to.  As  I  had  already  been  longer  from 
home  than  what  I  expected,  I  thought  my  wife  would  be 
diftreffed,  and  think  I  was  killed  by  the  Indians;  there 
fore  I  concluded  that  I  would  return  home.  I  fent  my 
horfe  with  my  fellow  travellers  to  the  Illinois,  as  it  was 
difficult  to  take  a  horfe  through  the  mountains.  My 
comrades  gave  me  the  greateft  part  of  the  amunition 
they  then  had,  which  amounted  only  to  half  a  pound  of 
powder,  and  lead  equivalent.  Mr.  Horton  alfo  lent  me 
his  mulatto  boy,  and  I  then  fet  off  through  the  wildernefs, 
for  Carolina. 

About  eight  days  after  I  left  my  company  at  the 
mouth  of  Tenneffee,  on  my  journey  eaftward,  I  got  a 
cane  ftab  in  my  foot,  which  occasioned  my  leg  to  fwell, 
and  I  fuffered  much  pain.  I  was  now  in  a  doleful  fitu- 


*  Stone's  River  is  a  fouth  branch  of  Cumberland,  and  empties  into 
it  above  Nafhville.  We  firft  gave  it  this  name  in  our  journal  in  May 
1767,  after  one  of  my  fellow  travellers,  Mr.  Uriah  Stone,  and  I  am 
told  that  it  retains  the  fame  name  unto  this  day. 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  1 1 5 

— far  from  any  of  the  human  fpecies,  excepting 
black  Jamie,  or  the  favages,  and  I  knew  not  when  I 
might  meet  with  them — my  cafe  appeared  defperate,  and 
I  thought  fomething  muft  be  done.  All  the  furgical 
instruments  I  had,  was  a  knife,  a  mockafon  awl,  and  a 
pair  of  bullit  moulds — with  thefe  I  determined  to  draw 
the  fnag  from  my  foot,  if  poffible.  I  fluck  the  awl  in 
the  fkin,  and  with  the  knife  I  cut  the  flem  away  from 
around  the  cane,  and  then  I  commanded  the  mulatto 
fellow  to  catch  it  with  the  bullit  moulds,  and  pull  it 
out,  which  he  did.  When  I  faw  it,  it  feemed  a  mock 
ing  thing  to  be  in  any  perfon's  foot;  it  will  therefore  be 
fuppofed  that  I  was  very  glad  to  have  it  out.  The  black 
fellow  attended  upon  me,  and  obeyed  my  directions 
faithfully.  I  ordered  him  to  fearch  for  Indian  medi 
cine,  and  told  him  to  get  me  a  quantity  of  bark  from 
the  root  of  a  lynn  tree,  which  I  made  him  beat  on  a 
ftone,  with  a  tomahawk,  and  boil  it  in  a  kettle,  and  with 
the  ooze  I  bathed  my  foot  and  leg: — what  remained 
when  I  had  finifhed  bathing,  I  boiled  to  a  jelly,  and 
made  poultices  thereof.  As  I  had  no  rags,  I  made  ufe 
of  the  green  mofs  that  grows  upon  logs,  and  wrapped  it 
round  with  elm  bark:  by  this  means  (fimple  as  it  may 
feem)  the  fwelling  and  inflamation  in  a  great  meafure 
abated.  As  ftormy  weather  appeared,  I  ordered  Jamie 
to  make  us  a  melter,  which  he  did  by  erecting  forks  and 
poles,  and  covering  them  over  with  cane  tops,  like  a 
fodder-houfe.  It  was  but  about  one  hundred  yards 


1 1 6  Col.  James  Smith. 


from  a  large  buffaloe  road.  As  we  were  almoft  out  of 
provifion,  I  commanded  Jamie  to  take  my  gun,  and  I 
went  along  as  well  as  I  could,  concealed  myfelf  near  the 
road,  and  killed  a  buffaloe.  When  this  was  done,  we 
j irked*  the  lean,  and  fryed  the  tallow  out  of  the  fat 
meat,  which  we  kept  to  ftew  with  our  jirk  as  we  needed 
it. 

While  I  lay  at  this  place,  all  the  books  I  had  to  read, 
was  a  Pfalm  Book,  and  Watts  upon  Prayer.  Whilft  in 
this  fituation  I  compofed  the  following  verfes,  which  I 
then  frequently  fung. 

j.   Six  weeks  I've  in  this  defart  been, 

With  one  mulatto  lad, 
Excepting  this  poor  ftupid  flave, 
No  company  I  had. 

2.  In  folitude  I  here  remain, 

A  cripple  very  fore, 
No  friend  or  neighbor  to  be  found, 
My  cafe  for  to  deplore. 

3.  I'm  far  from  home,  far  from  the  wife, 

Which  in  my  bofom  lay, 
Far  from  my  children  dear,  which  ufed 
Around  me  for  to  play. 


*Jirk  is  a  name  well  known  by  the  hunters,  and  frontier  inhabitants, 
for  meat  cut  in  fmall  pieces  and  laid  on  a  fcaffold,  over  a  flow  fire, 
whereby  it  is  roafled  till  it  is  thoroughly  dry. 


Remarkable  Occurrences ,  Etc.  117 

4.  This  doleful  circumftance  cannot 

My  happinefs  prevent, 
While  peace  of  confcience  I  enjoy, 
Great  comfort  and  content. 


I  continued  in  this  place  until  I  could  walk  {lowly, 
without  crutches.  As  I  now  lay  near  a  great  buffaloe 
road,  I  was  afraid  that  the  Indians  might  be  pafling  that 
way,  and  difcover  my  fire-place,  therefore  I  moved  off 
fome  diftance,  where  I  remained  until  I  killed  an  elk. 
As  my  foot  was  yet  fore,  I  concluded  that  I  would  ftay 
here  until  it  was  healed,  left  by  travelling  too  foon  it 
might  again  be  inflamed. 

In  a  few  weeks  after,  I  proceeded  on,  and  in  October 
I  arrived  in  Carolina.  I  had  now  been  eleven  months 
in  the  wildernefs,  and  during  this  time  I  neither  faw 
bread,  money,  women,  or  fpirituous  liquors;  and  three 
months  of  which  I  faw  none  of  the  human  fpecies,  except 
Jamie. 

When  I  came  into  the  fettlement  my  clothes  were 
almoft  worn  out,  and  the  boy  had  nothing  on  him  that 
ever  was  fpun.  He  had  buck-fkin  leggins,  mockafons, 
and  breech-clout — a  bear-fkin  drefled  with  the  hair  on, 
which  he  belted  about  him,  and  a  racoon-fkin  cap.  I 
had  not  travelled  far  after  I  came  in  before  I  was 
ftrictly  examined  by  the  inhabitants.  I  told  them  the 
truth,  and  where  I  came  from,  &c.  but  my  ftory 
appeared  fo  ftrange  to  them,  that  they  did  not  believe 


1 1 8  Col.  James  Smith. 


me.  They  faid  they  had  never  heard  of  any  one  coming 
through  the  mountains  from  the  mouth  of  TennefTee ; 
and  if  any  one  would  undertake  fuch  a  journey,  furely 
no  man  would  lend  him  his  flave.  They  faid  that  they 
thought  that  all  I  had  told  them  were  lies,  and  on  fus- 
picion  they  took  me  into  cuftody,  and  fet  a  guard  over 
me. 

While  I  was  confined  here,  I  met  with  a  reputable 
old  acquaintance,  who  voluntarily  became  my  voucher; 
and  alfo  told  me  of  a  number  of  my  acquaintances  that 
now  lived  near  this  place,  who  had  moved  from  Penn- 
fylvania — On  this  being  made  public,  I  was  liberated. 
I  went  to  a  magiflrate,  and  obtained  a  pafs,  and  one  of 
my  old  acquaintances  made  me  a  prefent  of  a  fhirt.  I 
then  caft  away  my  old  rags,  and  all  the  clothes  I  now  had 
was  an  old  beaver  hat,  buck-fkin  leggins,  mockafons,  and 
a  new  fhirt;  alfo  an  old  blanket,  which  I  commonly  car 
ried  on  my  back  in  good  weather.  Being  thus  equipp 
ed,  I  marched  on,  with  my  white  fnirt  loofe,  and  Jamie 
with  his  bear-fkin  about  him  : — myfelf  appearing  white, 
and  Jamie  very  black,  alarmed  the  dogs  where-ever  we 
came,  fo  that  they  barked  violently.  The  people  fre 
quently  came  out  and  afked  me  where  we  came  from, 
&c.  I  told  them  the  truth,  but  they,  for  the  moft  part 
fufpected  my  fbory,  and  I  generally  had  to  mew  them 
my  pafs.  In  this  way  I  came  on  to  Fort  ChifTel,  where 
I  left  Jamie  at  Mr.  Horton's  negro-quarter,  according 
to  promife.  I  went  from  thence  to  Mr.  George  Adams's, 


Remarkable  Occurrences.,  Etc.  1 1 9 

on  Reed  Creek,  where  I  had  lodged,  and  where  I  had  left 
my  clothes,  as  I  was  going  out  from  home.  When  I 
drefled  myfelf  in  good  clothes,  and  mounted  on  horfeback, 
no  man  ever  afked  me  for  a  pafs ;  therefore  I  concluded 
that  a  horfe-thief,  or  even  a  robber,  might  pafs  without 
interruption,  provided  he  was  only  well-drefTed,  whereas 
the  fhabby  villain  would  be  immediately  detected. 

I  returned  home  to  Conococheague,  in  the  fall  1767. 
When  I  arrived,  I  found  that  my  wife  and  friends  had 
defpaired  of  ever  feeing  me  again,  as  they  had  heard 
that  I  was  killed  by  the  Indians,  and  my  horfe  brought 
into  one  of  the  Cherokee  towns. 

In  the  year  1769,  the  Indians  again  made  incurfions 
on  the  frontiers ;  yet,  the  traders  continued  carrying 
goods  and  warlike  ftores  to  them.  The  frontiers  took 
the  alarm,  and  a  number  of  perfons  collected,  deflroyed 
and  plundered  a  quantity  of  their  powder,  lead,  &c.  in 
Bedford  county.  Shortly  after  this,  fome  of  thefe  per 
fons,  with  others,  were  apprehended  and  laid  in  irons  in 
the  guard-houfe  in  Fort  Bedford,  on  fufpicion  of  being 
the  perpetrators  of  this  crime. 

Though  I  did  not  altogether  approve  of  the  conduct 
of  this  new  club  of  black-boys,  yet  I  concluded  that 
they  mould  not  lie  in  irons  in  the  guard-houfe,  or 
remain  in  confinement,  by  arbitrary  or  military  power. 
I  refolved  therefore,  if  poflible,  to  releafe  them,  if  they 
even  mould  be  tried  by  the  civil  law  afterwards.  I  col 
lected  eighteen  of  my  old  black-boys,  that  I  had  feen 


12O  Col.  James  Smith. 


tried  in  the  Indian  war,  &c.  I  did  not  defire  a  large 
party,  left  they  fhould  be  too  much  alarmed  at  Bedford, 
and  accordingly  prepare  for  us.  We  marched  along  the 
public  road  in  day-light,  and  made  no  fecret  of  our 
defign : — We  told  thofe  whom  we  met,  that  we  were 
going  to  take  Fort  Bedford,  which  appeared  to  them 
a  very  unlikely  ftory.  Before  this  I  made  it  known  to 
one  William  Thompfon,  a  man  whom  I  could  truft, 
and  who  lived  there  :  him  I  employed  as  a  fpy,  and 
fent  him  along  on  horfe-back,  before,  with  orders  to 
meet  me  at  a  certain  place  near  Bedford,  one  hour  before 
day.  The  next  day  a  little  before  fun-fet  we  encamped 
near  the  croffings  of  Juniata,  about  fourteen  miles  from 
Bedford,  and  erected  tents,  as  though  we  intended  ftay- 
ing  all  night,  and  not  a  man  in  my  company  knew  to 
the  contrary,  fave  myfelf.  Knowing  that  they  would 
hear  this  in  Bedford,  and  wifhing  it  to  be  the  cafe,  I 
thought  to  furprize  them,  by  ftealing  a  march. 

As  the  moon  rofe  about  eleven  o'clock,  I  ordered 
my  boys  to  march,  and  we  went  on  at  the  rate  of  five 
miles  an  hour,  until  we  met  Thompfon  at  the  place 
appointed.  He  told  us  that  the  commanding  officer 
had  frequently  heard  of  us  by  travellers,  and  had  ordered 
thirty  men  upon  guard.  He  faid  they  knew  our  num 
ber,  and  only  made  game  of  the  notion  of  eighteen  men 
coming  to  refcue  the  prifoners,  but  they  did  not  expect 
us  until  towards  the  middle  of  the  day.  I  alked  him  if 
the  gate  was  open  ?  He  faid  it  was  then  fhut,  but  he 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  121 

expected  they  would  open  it  as  ufual,  at  day-light,  as 
they  apprehended  no  danger.  I  then  moved  my  men 
privately  up  under  the  banks  of  Juniata,  where  we  lay 
concealed  about  one  hundred  yards  from  the  fort  gate. 
I  had  ordered  the  men  to  keep  a  profound  {ilence,  until 
we  got  into  it.  I  then  fent  off  Thompfon  again  to  fpy. 
At  day-light  he  returned,  and  told  us  that  the  gate  was 
open,  and  three  centinels  were  {landing  on  the  wall — 
that  the  guards  were  taking  a  morning  dram,  and  the 
arms  {landing  together  in  one  place.  I  then  concluded 
to  rufh  into  the  fort,  and  told  Thompfon  to  run  before 
me  to  the  arms,  we  ran  with  all  our  might,  and  as  it 
was  a  inifty  morning,  the  centinels  fcarcely  faw  us  until 
we  were  within  the  gate,  and  took  porTeffion  of  the  arms. 
Juft  as  we  were  entering,  two  of  them  difcharged  their 
guns,  though  I  do  not  believe  they  aimed  at  us.  We 
then  raifed  a  mout,  which  furprized  the  town,  though 
fome  of  them  were  well  pleafed  with  the  news.  We 
compelled  a  black-fmith  to  take  the  irons  off  the  pris 
oners,  and  then  we  left  the  place.  This,  I  believe,  was 
the  firft  Britifh  fort  in  America,  that  was  taken  by  what 
they  called  American  rebels. 

Some  time  after  this  I  took  a  journey  weftward,  in  order 
to  furvey  fome  located  land  I  had  on  and  near  the  You- 
hogany.  As  I  pafled  near  Bedford,  while  I  was  walk 
ing  and  leading  my  horfe,  I  was  overtaken  by  fome  men 
on  horfe-back,  like  travellers.  One  of  them  afked  my 
name,  and  on  telling  it,  they  immediately  pulled  out 
16 


122  Col.  James  Smith. 


their  piftols,  and  prefented  them  at  me,  calling  upon  me 
to  deliver  myfelf,  or  I  was  a  dead  man.  I  ftepped  back, 
prefented  my  rifle,  and  told  them  to  ftand  off.  One  of 
them  fnapped  a  piftol  at  me,  and  another  was  preparing 
to  moot,  when  I  fired  my  piece : — one  of  them  alfo 
fired  near  the  fame  time,  and  one  of  my  fellow  travel 
lers  fell.  The  affailants  then  rufhed  up,  and  as  my  gun 
was  empty,  they  took  and  tied  me.  I  charged  them 
with  killing  my  fellow  traveller,  and  told  them  he  was 
a  man  that  I  had  accidentally  met  with  on  the  road,  that 
had  nothing  to  do  with  the  public  quarrel.  They  as- 
ferted  that  I  had  killed  him.  I  told  them  that  my  gun 
blowed,  or  made  a  flow  fire — that  I  had  her  from  my 
face  before  me  went  off,  or  I  would  not  have  miffed 
my  mark;  and  from  the  pofition  my  piece  was  in  when 
it  went  off,  it  was  not  likely  that  my  gun  killed  this 
man,  yet  I  acknowledged  I  was  not  certain  that  it  was 
not  fo.  They  then  carried  me  to  Bedford,  laid  me  in 
irons  in  the  guard-houfe,  fummoned  a  jury  of  the 
oppofite  party,  and  held  an  inqueft.  The  jury  brought 
me  in  guilty  of  wilful  murder.  As  they  were  afraid  to 
keep  me  long  in  Bedford,  for  fear  of  a  refcue,  they  fent 
me  privately  through  the  wildernefs  to  Carlifle,  where 
I  was  laid  in  heavy  irons. 

Shortly  after  I  came  here,  we  heard  that  a  number  of 
my  old  black-boys  were  coming  to  tear  down  the  jail. 
I  told  the  meriff  that  I  would  not  be  refcued,  as  I  knew 
that  the  indictment  was  wrong;  therefore  I  wifhed  to  ftand 


Remarkable  Occurrences,   Etc.  123 

my  trial.  As  I  had  found  the  black  boys  to  be  always 
under  good  command,  I  expected  I  could  prevail  on 
them  to  return,  and  therefore  wifhed  to  write  to  them — 
to  this  the  meriff  readily  agreed.  I  wrote  a  letter  to 
them,  with  irons  on  my  hands,  which  was  immediately 
fent ;  but  as  they  had  heard  that  I  was  in  irons,  they 
would  come  on.  When  we  heard  they  were  near  the 
town,  I  told  the  meriff  I  would  fpeak  to  them  out  of 
the  window,  and  if  the  irons  were  off,  I  made  no  doubt 
but  I  could  prevail  on  them  to  defift.  The  fheriff 
ordered  them  to  be  taken  off,  and  juft  as  they  were 
taken  off  my  hands,  the  black  boys  came  running  up  to 
the  jail.  I  went  to  the  window  and  called  to  them,  and 
they  gave  attention.  I  told  them  as  my  indictment 
was  for  wilful  murder,  to  admit  of  being  refcued,  would 
appear  difhonorable.  I  thanked  them  for  their  kind 
intentions,  and  told  them  the  greater!  favor  they  could 
confer  upon  me,  would  be  to  grant  me  this  one  requeft, 
to  withdraw  from  the  jail,  and  return  in  peace-,  to  this  they 
complied,  and  withdrew.  While  I  was  fpeaking,  the 
irons  were  taken  off  my  feet,  and  never  again  put  on. 

Before  this  party  arrived  at  Conococheague,  they  met 
about  three  hundred  more,  on  the  way,  coming  to  their 
affiftance,  and  were  refolved  to  take  me  out ;  they 
then  turned,  and  all  came  together,  to  Carlifle.  The 
reafon  they  gave  for  coming  again,  was,  becaufe 
they  thought  that  government  was  fo  enraged  at  me 
that  I  would  not  get  a  fair  trial ;  but  my  friends  and 


124  C°L  Jawes  Smith. 


myfelf  together  again  prevailed  on  them  to  return  in 
peace. 

At  this  time  the  public  papers  were  partly  filled  with 
thefe  occurrences.  The  following  is  an  extract  from  the 
Pennfylvania  Gazette,  number  2132,  November  2d, 
1769. 

cc  Conococheague,  October  i6th>  1769. 
"  MESS.  HALL  &  SELLERS, 

"  Pleafe  to  give   the  following  narrative  a  place  in 
your  Gazette,  and  you  will  much  oblige 
"  Your  humble  fervant, 

"WILLIAM    SMITH." 

"Whereas,  in  this  Gazette  of  September  28th,  1769, 
there  appeared  an  extract  of  a  letter  from  Bedford,  Sep 
tember  1 2th,  1769,  relative  to  James  Smith,  as  being 
apprehended  on  fufpicion  of  being  a  black  boy,  then 
killing  his  companion,  &c.  I  look  upon  myfelf  as 
bound  by  all  the  obligations  of  truth,  juftice  to  char 
acter  and  to  the  world,  to  fet  that  matter  in  a  true  light ; 
by  which,  I  hope  the  impartial  world  will  be  enabled  to 
obtain  a  more  juft  opinion  of  the  prefent  fcheme  of  act 
ing  in  this  end  of  the  country,  as  alfo  to  form  a  true 
idea  of  the  truth,  candor,  and  ingenuity  of  the  author 
of  the  faid  extract,  in  ftating  that  matter  in  fo  partial  a 
light.  The  Hate  of  the  cafe  (which  can  be  made  appear 
by  undeniable  evidence,)  was  this:  "James  Smith, 
(who  is  ftiled  the  principal  ring  leader  of  the  black  boys, 


Remarkable   Occurrences^   Etc.  125 

by  the  said  author)  together  with  his  younger  brother, 
and  brother-in-law,  were  going  out  in  order  to  furvey 
and  improve  their  land  on  the  waters  of  Youghoghany, 
and  as  the  time  of  their  return  was  long,  they  took  with 
them  their  arms,  and  horfes  loaded  with  the  neceflaries 
of  life  :  and  as  one  of  Smith's  brothers-in-law  was  an 
artift  in  furveying,  he  had  alfo  with  him  the  inftruments 
for  that  bufmefs.  Travelling  on  the  way,  within  about 
nine  miles  of  Bedford,  they  overtook,  and  joined  com 
pany  with  one  Johnfon  and  Moorhead,  who  likewife 
had  horfes  loaded,  part  of  which  loading  was  liquor,  and 
part  feed  wheat,  their  intentions  being  to  make  improve 
ments  on  their  lands.  When  they  arrived  at  the  parting 
of  the  road  on  this  fide  of  Bedford,  the  company  fepa- 
rated,  one  part  going  through  the  town,  in  order  to  get 
a  horfe  mod,  were  apprehended,  and  put  under  confine 
ment,  but  for  what  crime  they  knew  not,  and  treated  in 
a  manner  utterly  inconfiftent  with  the  laws  of  their 
country,  and  the  liberties  of  Englishmen  : — Whilft  the 
other  part,  viz.  James  Smith,  Johnfon  and  Moorhead, 
taking  along  the  other  road,  were  met  by  John  Holmes 
efq.  to  whom  James  Smith  fpoke  in  a  friendly  manner, 
but  received  no  anfwer.  Mr.  Holmes  hafted,  and  gave 
an  alarm  in  Bedford,  from  whence  a  party  of  men  were 
fent  in  purfuit  of  them ;  but  Smith  and  his  companions 
not  having  the  leaft  thought  of  any  fuch  meafures  being 
taken,  (why  mould  they  ?)  travelled  (lowly  on.  After 
they  had  gained  the  place  where  the  roads  joined,  they 


126  Col.  James  Smith. 


delayed  until  the  other  part  of  their  company  fhould 
come  up.  At  this  time  a  number  of  men  came  riding, 
like  men  travelling  ;  they  afked  Smith  his  name,  which 
he  told  them — on  which  they  immediately  aflaulted  him 
as  highway-men,  and  with  prefented  piftols,  commanded 
him  to  furrender,  or  he  was  a  dead  man  ;  upon  which 
Smith  ftepped  back,  afked  them  if  they  were  highway 
men,  charging  them  at  the  fame  time  to  Hand  off,  when 
immediately,  Robert  George  (one  of  the  aflailants) 
fnapped  a  piftol  at  Smith's  head,  and  that  before  Smith 
offered  to  moot,  (which  faid  George  himfelf  acknowl 
edged  upon  oath;)  whereupon  Smith  prefented  his  gun 
at  another  of  the  aflailants,  who  was  preparing  to  moot 
him  with  his  piftol.  The  faid  aflailant  having  a  hold 
of  Johnfon  by  the  arm,  two  mots  were  fired,  one  by 
Smith's  gun,  the  other  from  a  piftol  fo  quick  as  juft  to 
be  diftinguifhable,  and  Johnfon  fell.  After  which  Smith 
was  taken  and  carried  into  Bedford,  where  John  Holmes, 
efq.  the  informer,  held  an  inqueft  on  the  corpfe,  one  of 
the  aflailants  being  as  an  evidence,  (nor  was  there  any 
other  trouble  about  the  matter)  Smith  was  brought  in 
guilty  of  wilful  murder,  and  fo  committed  to  prifon. 
But  a  jealoufy  arifing  in  the  breafts  of  many  that  the 
inqueft,  either  through  inadvertency,  ignorance  or  fome 
other  default,  was  not  fo  fair  as  it  ought  to  be  ;  Wil 
liam  Deny,  coroner  of  the  county,  upon  requifition 
made,  thought  proper  to  re-examine  the  matter,  and 
fummoning  a  jury  of  unexceptionable  men,  out  of  three 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  127 

townfhips — men  whofe  candor,  probity  and  honefty,  is 
unquestionable  with  all  who  are  acquainted  with  them, 
and  having  raifed  the  corpfe,  held  an  inqueft  in  a  folemn 
manner,  during  three  days.  In  the  courfe  of  their 
fcrutiny  they  found  Johnfon's  fhirt  blacked  about  the 
bullit-hole,  by  the  powder  of  the  charge  by  which  he 
was  killed,  whereupon  they  examined  into  the  diftance 
Smith  flood  from  Johnfon  when  he  fhot,  and  one  of  the 
afTailants  being  admitted  to  oath,  fwore  to  the  refpective 
fpots  of  ground  they  both  ftood  on  at  that  time,  which 
the  jury  meafured,  and  found  to  be  twenty-three  feet, 
nearly  ;  then  trying  the  experiment  of  mooting  at  the 
fame  fhirt,  both  with  and  againft  the  wind,  and  at  the 
fame  diftance,  found  no  effects,  not  the  leaft  ftain  from 
the  powder,  on  the  fhirt : — And  let  any  perfon  that 
pleafes,  make  the  experiment,  and  I  will  venture  to 
affirm  he  fhall  find  that  powder  will  not  ftain  at  half  the 
diftance  above  mentioned,  if  fhot  out  of  a  rifle  gun, 
which  Smith's  was.  Upon  the  whole,  the  jury,  after 
the  moft  accurate  examination,  and  mature  deliberation, 
brought  in  their  verdict  that  fome  one  of  the  afTailants 
themfelves  muft  necefTarily  have  been  the  perpetrators 
of  the  murder. 

"  I  have  now  reprefented  the  matter  in  its  true  and 
genuine  colors,  and  which  I  will  abide  by.  I  only  beg 
liberty  to  make  a  few  remarks  and  reflections  on  the  above 
mentioned  extract.  The  author  fays  cc  James  Smith, 
with  two  others  in  company,  pafled  round  the  town, 


128  Col.  James  Smith. 


without  touching/'  by  which  it  is  plain  he  would  infin- 
uate,  and  make  the  public  believe  that  Smith,  and  that 
part  of  the  company,  had  taken  fome  bye  road,  which 
is  utterly  falfe,  for  it  was  the  king's  high-way,  and  the 
ftraighteft,  that  through  Bedford,  being  fomething  to 
the  one  fide,  nor  would  the  other  part  of  the  company 
have  gone  through  the  town,  but  for  the  reafon  already 
given.  Again,  the  author  fays  that  cc  four  men  were 
fent  in  purfuit  of  Smith  and  his  companions,  who  over 
took  them  about  five  miles  from  Bedford,  and  com 
manded  them  to  furrender,  on  which  Smith  prefented 
his  gun  at  one  of  the  men,  who  was  ftruggling  with  his 
companion,  fired  it  at  him,  and  mot  his  companion 
through  the  back."  Here  I  would  juft  remark  again, 
the  unfair  and  partial  account  given  of  this  matter,  by 
the  author;  not  a  word  mentioned  of  George's  fnapping 
his  piftol  before  Smith  offered  to  moot,  or  of'  another 
of  the  aflailants  actually  firing  his  piftol,  though  he  con- 
fefled  himfelf  afterwards,  he  had  done  fo  ;  not  the  leaft 
mention  of  the  company's  baggage,  which,  to  men  in 
the  leaft  open  to  a  fair  inquiry,  would  have  been  fuffi- 
cient  proof  of  the  innocence  of  their  intentions.  Muft 
not  an  effufive  blufti  overfpread  the  face  of  the  partial 
reprefenter  of  fads,  when  he  finds  the  veil  he  had  thrown 
over  truth  thus  pulled  afide,  and  ftie  expofed  to  naked 
view.  Suppofe  it  fhould  be  granted  that  Smith  fhot 
the  man,  (which  is  not,  and  I  prefume  never  can  be 
proven  to  be  the  cafe)  I  would  only  afk,  was  he  not  on 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  129 

his  own  defence  ?  Was  he  not  publicly  afTaulted  ?  Was 
he  not  charged  at  the  peril  of  his  life,  to  furrender, 
without  knowing  for  what  ?  No  warrant  being  fhown 
him,  or  any  declaration  made  of  their  authority.  And 
feeing  thefe  things  are  fo,  would  any  judicious  man, 
any  perfon  in  the  leafl  acquainted  with  the  laws  of  the 
land,  or  morality,  judge  him  guilty  of  wilful  murder  ? 
But  I  humbly  prefume  every  one  who  has  an  opportu 
nity  of  feeing  this,  will  by  this  time  be  convinced  that 
the  proceedings  againft  Smith  were  truly  unlawful  and 
tyranical,  perhaps  unparalleled  by  any  inftance  in  a  civ 
ilized  nation;  for  to  endeavor  to  kill  a  man  in  the 
apprehending  him,  in  order  to  bring  him  to  trial  for  a 
fad,  and  that  too  on  a  fuppofed  one,  is  undoubtedly 
beyond  all  bounds  of  law  or  government. 

cc  If  the  author  of  the  extrad  thinks  I  have  treated 
him  unfair,  or  that  I  have  advanced  any  thing  he  can 
controvert,  let  him  come  forward  as  a  fair  antagonift, 
and  make  his  defence,  and  I  will,  if  called  upon,  vindi 
cate  all  that  I  have  advanced  againft  him  or  his  abettors. 

"WILLIAM    SMITH." 

I  remained  in  prifon  four  months,  and  during  this 
time  I  often  thought  of  thofe  that  were  confined  in  the 
time  of  the  perfecution,  who  declared  their  prifon  was 
converted  into  a  palace.  I  now  learned  what  this 
meant,  as  I  never  fince,  or  before,  experienced  four 
months  of  equal  happinefs. 


i  jo  Col.  James  Smith. 


When  the  fupreme  court  fat,  I  was  feverely  profecu- 
ted.  At  the  commencement  of  my  trial,  the  judges  in 
a  very  unjuft  and  arbitrary  manner,  rejected  feveral  of 
my  evidences  ;  yet,  as  Robert  George  (one  of  thofe 
who  were  in  the  fray  when  I  was  taken)  fwore  in  court 
that  he  fnapped  a  piftol  at  me  before  I  mot,  and  a  con 
currence  of  corroborating  circumftances,  amounted  to 
ftrong  prefumptive  evident  that  it  could  not  pofTibly  be 
my  gun  that  killed  Johnfon,  the  jury,  without  hefita- 
tion,  brought  in  their  verdict,  NOT  GUILTY.  One 
of  the  judges  then  declared  that  not  one  of  this  jury 
mould  ever  hold  any  office  above  a  conftable.  Not- 
withftanding  this  proud,  ill-natured  declaration,  fome 
of  thefe  jurymen  afterwards  filled  honorable  places,  and 
I  myfelf  was  elected  the  next  year,  and  fat  on  the  board* 
in  Bedford  county,  and  afterwards  I  ferved  in  the  board 
three  years  in  Weftmoreland  county. 

In  the  year  1774,  another  Indian  war  commenced, 
though  at  this  time  the  white  people  were  the  aggrerTbrs. 
The  profpect  of  this  terrified  the  frontier  inhabitants, 
infomuch  that  the  greater  part  on  the  Ohio  waters, 
either  fled  over  the  mountains,  eastward,  or  collected 
into  forts.  As  the  ftate  of  Pennfylvania  apprehended 
great  danger,  they  at  this  time  appointed  me  captain 
over  what  was  then  called  the  Pennfylvania  line.  As 


*  A  board  of  commiffioners  was  annually  elefted  in  Pennfylvania,  to 
regulate  taxes,  and  lay  the  county  levy. 


Remarkable  Occurrences^  Etc.  131 

they  knew  I  could  raife  men  that  would  anfwer  their 
purpofe,  they  feemed  to  lay  afide  their  former  invete 
racy. 

In  the  year  1776,  I  was  appointed  a  major  in  the 
Pennfylvania  aflbciation.  When  American  inde 
pendence  was  declared,  I  was  elected  a  member  of 
the  convention  in  Weftmoreland  county,  date  of 
Pennfylvania,  and  of  the  afiembly  as  long  as  I  propofed 
to  ferve. 

While  I  attended  the  affembly  in  Philadelphia,  in 
the  year  1777,  I  faw  in  the  ftreet,  fome  of  my  old  boys, 
on  their  way  to  the  Jerfeys,  againft  the  Britim,  and 
they  defired  me  to  go  with  them — I  petitioned  the 
houfe  for  leave  of  abfence,  in  order  to  head  a  fcouting 
party,  which  was  granted  me.  We  marched  into  the 
Jerfeys,  and  went  before  General  Wafhington's  army, 
way-laid  the  road  at  Rocky  Hill,  attacked  about  two 
hundred  of  the  Britim,  and  with  thirty-fix  men  drove 
them  out  of  the  woods  into  a  large  open  field.  After 
this  we  attacked  a  party  that  were  guarding  the  officers 
baggage,  and  took  the  waggon  and  twenty-two  Heffians; 
and  alfo  re-took  fome  of  our  continental  foldiers  which 
they  had  with  them.  In  a  few  days  we  killed  and  took 
more  of  the  Britim,  than  was  of  our  party.  At  this 
time  I  took  the  camp  fever,  and  was  carried  in  a  ftage 
waggon  to  Burlington,  where  I  lay  until  I  recovered. 
When  I  took  fick,  my  companion,  Major  James 
M'Common,  took  the  command  of  the  party,  and  had 


ij 2  Col.  James  Smith. 


greater  Tuccefs  than  I  had.  If  every  officer  and 
his  party  that  lifted  arms  againft  the  Englifh,  had 
fought  with  the  fame  fuccefs  that  Major  M' Common 
did,  we  would  have  made  fhort  work  of  the  Britifh 
war. 

When  I  returned  to  Philadelphia,  I  applied  to  the 
aflembly  for  leave  to  raife  a  battallion  of  riflemen,  which 
they  appeared  very  willing  to  grant,  but  faid  they  could 
not  do  it,  as  the  power  of  raifing  men  and  commiffion- 
ing  officers  was  at  that  time  committed  to  General 
Washington,  therefore  they  advifed  me  to  apply  to  his 
excellency.  The  following  is  a  true  copy  of  a  letter  of 
recommendation  which  I  received  at  this  time,  from  the 
council  of  fafety  : 

"IN    COUNCIL   OF    SAFETY, 

"Philadelphia,  February  ioth>  1777. 
"SIR, 

"  Application  has  been  made  to  us  by  James  Smith 
efq.  of  Weftmoreland,  a  gentleman  well  acquainted  with 
the  Indian  cuftoms,  and  their  manners  of  carrying  on 
war,  for  leave  to  raife  a  battallion  of  marks-men,  expert 
in  the  ufe  of  rifles,  and  fuch  as  are  acquainted  with  the 
Indian  method  of  fighting,  to  be  dreffed  entirely  in 
their  fafhion,  for  the  purpofe  of  annoying  and  harraffing 
the  enemy  in  their  marches  and  encampments.  We 
think  two  or  three  hundred  men  in  that  way,  might  be 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  133 

very  ufeful.  Should  your  excellency  be  of  the  fame 
opinion,  and  direct  fuch  a  corps  to  be  formed,  we  will 
take  proper  meafures  for  raifing  the  men  on  the  frontiers 
of  this  ftate,  and  follow  fuch  other  directions  as  your 
excellency  mall  give  in  this  matter. 

"  'To  his  excellency  General  Wafhington" 

"  The  foregoing  is  a  copy  of  a  letter  to  his  excellency 
General  Wafhington,  from  the  council  of  fafety. 

"JACOB    S.    HOWELL, 

"Secretary" 


After  this  I  received  another  letter  of  recommenda 
tion,  which  is  as  follows: 

"We,  whofe  names  are  under  written,  do  certify  that 
James  Smith  (now  of  the  county  of  Weftmoreland)  was 
taken  prifoner  by  the  Indians,  in  an  expedition  before 
General  Braddock's  defeat,  in  the  year  1755,  and 
remained  with  them  until  the  year  1760:  and  alfo  that 
he  ferved  as  enfign,  in  the  year  1763,  under  the  pay  of 
the  province  of  Pennfylvania,  and  as  lieutenant,  in  the 
year  1764,  and  as  captain,  in  the  year  1774;  and  as  a 
military  officer  he  has  fuftained  a  good  character.  And 
we  do  recommend  him  as  a  perfon  well  acquainted  with 
the  Indian's  method  of  righting,  and,  in  our  humble 
opinion,  exceedingly  fit  for  the  command  of  a  ranging 
or  fcouting  party,  which  we  are  alfo  humbly  of  opinion, 


134  Col*  "James  Smith. 


he  could  (if  legally  authorized)  foon  raife.     Given  under 
our  hands   at    Philadelphia,   this   I3th  day  of  March, 

1777. 

Thomas  Paxton,  capt.  John  Proffer,  col. 

William  ~Duffield,  esq.  Jonathan  Hoge,  esq. 

David  Robb,  esq.  William  Parker ;  capt. 

John  Piper,  col.  Robert  Elliot, 

William  M'Comb.  Joseph  Armstrong,  col. 

William  Pepper,  lieut.  col.     Robert  Peebles,  lieut.  col. 
James  MClane,  esq.  Samuel  Pat  ton,  capt. 

William  Lyon,  esq." 

With  thefe,  and  fome  other  letters  of  recommenda 
tion,  which  I  have  not  now  in  my  pofleffion,  I  went  to 
his  excellency,  who  lay  at  Morriflown.  Though  Gen 
eral  Wafhington  did  not  fall  in  with  the  fcheme  of 
white  men  turning  Indians,  yet  he  propofed  giving  me 
a  major's  place  in  a  battallion  of  riflemen  already  raifed. 
I  thanked  the  general  for  his  propofal;  but  as  I  enter 
tained  no  high  opinion  of  the  colonel  that  I  was  to  ferve 
under,  and  with  him  I  had  no  profpect  of  getting  my 
old  boys  again,  I  thought  I  would  be  of  more  ufe  in 
the  caufe  we  were  then  ftruggling  to  fupport,  to  remain 
with  them  as  a  militia  officer,  therefore  I  did  not  accept 
this  offer. 

In  the  year  1778,  I  received  a  colonel's  commirlion, 
and  after  my  return  to  Weflmoreland,  the  Indians  made 
an  attack  upon  our  frontiers.  I  then  raifed  men  and 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc. 


purfued  them,  and  the  fecond  day  we  overtook  and  de 
feated  them.  We  likewife  took  four  fcalps,  and  recov 
ered  the  horfes  and  plunder  which  they  were  carrying 
off.  At  the  time  of  this  attack,  Captain  John  Hink- 
fton  purfued  an  Indian,  both  their  guns  being  empty, 
and  after  the  fray  was  over  he  was  miffing:  —  While  we 
were  enquiring  abput  him,  he  came  walking  up,  feem- 
ingly  unconcerned,  with  a  bloody  fcalp  in  his  hand  —  he 
had  purfued  the  Indian  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile,  and 
tomahawked  him. 

Not  long  after  this  I  was  called  upon  to  command 
four  hundred  riflemen,  on  an  expedition  againft  the 
Indian  town  on  French  Creek.  It  was  fome  time  in 
November  before  I  received  orders  from  General  M'ln- 
tofh,  to  march,  and  then  we  were  poorly  equipped,  and 
fcarce  of  provifions.  We  marched  in  three  columns, 
forty  rod  from  each  other.  There  were  alfo  flankers 
on  the  outride  of  each  column,  that  marched  a-breaft  in 
the  rear,  in  fcattered  order  —  and  even  in  the  columns, 
the  men  were  one  rod  apart  —  and  in  the  front,  the  vol 
unteers  marched  a-breaft,  in  the  fame  manner  of  the 
flankers,  fcouring  the  woods.  In  cafe  of  an  attack,  the 
officers  were  immediately  to  order  the  men  to  face  out 
and  take  trees  —  in  this  pofition  the  Indians  could  not 
avail  themfelves  by  furrounding  us,  or  have  an  oppor 
tunity  of  fhooting  a  man  from  either  fide  of  the  tree. 
If  attacked,  the  center  column  was  to  reinforce  what 
ever  part  appeared  to  require  it  the  moft.  When  we 


136  Col.   James  Smith. 


encamped,  our  encampment  formed  a  hollow  fquare, 
including  about  thirty  or  forty  acres — on  the  outfide  of 
the  fquare  there  were  centinels  placed,  whofe  bufinefs  it 
was  to  watch  for  the  enemy,  and  fee  that  neither  horfes 
or  bullocks  went  out: — And  when  encamped,  if  any 
attacks  were  made  by  an  enemy,  each  officer  was  imme 
diately  to  order  the  men  to  face  out  and  take  trees,  as 
before  mentioned  ;  and  in  this  form  they  could  not  take 
the  advantage  by  furrounding  us,  as  they  commonly  had 
done  when  they  fought  the  whites. 

The  following  is  a  copy  of  general  orders,  given  at 
this  time,  which  I  have  found  among  my  journals: 

"AT  CAMP— OPPOSITE  FORT  PITT, 

"November  lyth,  1778. 
"GENERAL  ORDERS: 
"A  copy  thereof  is  to  be  given  to  each  captain  and  subaltern^ 

and  to  be  read  to  each  company. 

"You  are  to  march  in  three  columns,  with  flankers 
on  the  front  and  rear,  and  to  keep  a  profound  iilence, 
and  not  to  fire  a  gun,  except  at  the  enemy,  without  par 
ticular  orders  for  that  purpofe;  and  in  cafe  of  an  attack, 
let  it  be  fo  ordered  that  every  other  man  only,  is  to  moot 
at  once,  excepting  on  extraordinary  occafions.  The  one 
half  of  the  men  to  keep  a  referve  fire,  until  their  comrades 
load ;  and  let  every  one  be  particularly  careful  not  to 
fire  at  any  time  without  a  view  of  the  enemy,  and  that  not 
at  too  great  a  diftance.  I  earnestly  urge  the  above  cau- 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  137 

tion,  as  I  have  known  very  remarkable  and  grevious 
errors  of  this  kind.  You  are  to  encamp  on  the  hollow 
fquare,  except  the  volunteers,  who,  according  to  their 
own  requeft,  are  to  encamp  on  the  front  of  the  fquare,  a 
fufficient  number  of  centinels  are  to  be  kept  round  the 
fquare  at  a  proper  diftance.  Every  man  is  to  be  under 
arms  at  the  break  of  day,  and  to  parade  oppofite  to  their 
fire  places,  facing  out,  and  when  the  officers  examine  their 
arms  and  find  them  in  good  order,  and  give  necefTary 
directions,  they  are  to  be  difmifTed,  with  orders  to  have 
their  arms  near  them,  and  be  always  in  readinefs. 
cc  Given  by 

"JAMES  SMITH,  Colonel." 

In  this  manner  we  proceeded  on,  to  French  Creek, 
where  we  found  the  Indian  town  evacuated.  I  then 
went  on  further  than  my  orders  called  for,  in  queft  of 
Indians;  but  our  provifions  being  nearly  exhaufted,  we 
were  obliged  to  return.  On  our  way  back  we  met  with 
confiderable  difficulties  on  account  of  high  waters  and 
fcarcity  of  provifion;  yet  we  never  loft  one  horfe, 
excepting  fome  that  gave  out. 

After  peace  was  made  with  the  Indians,  I  met  with 
fome  of  them  in  Pittfburg,  and  enquired  of  them  in  their 
own  tongue,  concerning  this  expedition, — not  letting 
them  know  I  was  there.  They  told  me  that  they 
watched  the  movements  of  this  army  ever  after  they  had 
left  Fort-Pitt,  and  as  they  parTed  thro  the  glades  or  bar- 
18 


Col.  James  Smith. 


rens  they  had  a  full  view  of  them  from  the  adjacent  hills, 
and  computed  their  number  to  be  about  one  thoufand. 
They  faid  they  alfo  examined  their  camps,  both  before 
and  after  they  were  gone,  and  found,  they  could  not 
make  an  advantageous  attack,  and  therefore  moved  off 
from  their  town  and  hunting  ground  before  we  arrived. 
In  the  year  1788  I  fettled  in  Bourbon  county,  Ken 
tucky,  feven  miles  above  Paris;  and  in  the  fame  year 
was  elected  a  member  of  the  convention  that  fat  at  Dan 
ville,  to  confer  about  a  feparation  from  the  ftate  of  Vir 
ginia; — and  from  that  year  until  the  year  1799,  I  repre- 
fented  Bourbon  county,  either  in  convention  or  as  a 
member  of  the  general  aflembly,  except  two  years  that  I 
was  left  a  few  votes  behind. 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc. 


ON  THE  MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS  OF 
THE  INDIANS. 

The  Indians  are  a  flovenly  people  in  their  drefs. — 
They  feldom  ever  wafh  their  fhirts,  and  in  regard  to 
cookery  they  are  exceeding  filthy.  When  they  kill  a 
buffaloe  they  will  fometimes  lafh  the  paunch  of  it  round 
a  fapling,  and  caft  it  into  the  kettle,  boil  it  and  fup  the 
broth ;  tho  they  commonly  make  it  about  in  cold  water, 
then  boil  and  eat  it. — Notwithstanding  all  this,  they  are 
very  polite  in  their  own  way,  and  they  retain  among 
them,  the  efTentials  of  good  manners;  tho  they  have  few 
compliments,  yet  they  are  complaifant  to  one  another, 
and  when  accompanied  with  good  humor  and  difcretion, 
they  entertain  ftrangers  in  the  beft  manner  their  circum- 
ftances  will  admit.  They  ufe  but  few  titles  of  honor. 
In  the  military  line,  the  titles  of  great  men  are  only 
captains  or  leaders  of  parties — In  the  civil  line,  the 
titles  are  only  councilors,  chiefs  or  the  old  wifemen. 
Thefe  titles  are  never  made  ufe  of  in  addreffing  any  of 
their  great  men.  The  language  commonly  made  ufe  of 
in  addreffing  them,  is,  Grandfather,  Father,  or  Uncle. 
They  have  no  fuch  thing  in  ufe  among  them,  as 
Sir,  Mr.  Madam  or  Miftrefs — The  common  mode  of 


140  Col.   James  Smith. 


addrefs,  is,  my  Friend,  Brother,  Coufin,  or  Mother,  Sis 
ter,  &c.  They  pay  great  refpect  to  age ;  or  to  the  aged 
Fathers  and  Mothers  among  them  of  every  rank.  No 
one  can  arrive  at  any  place  of  honor,  among  them,  but 
by  merit.  Either  fome  exploit  in  war,  muft  be  per 
formed,  before  any  one  can  be  advanced  in  the  military 
line,  or  become  eminent  for  wifdom  before  they  can 
obtain  a  feat  in  council.  It  would  appear  to  the 
Indians  a  moft  ridiculous  thing  to  fee  a  man  lead  off  a 
company  of  warriors,  as  an  officer,  who  had  himfelf 
never  been  in  a  battle  in  his  life :  even  in  cafe  of  merit, 
they  are  flow  in  advancing  any  one,  until  they  arrive  at 
or  near  middle-age. 

They  invite  every  one  that  comes  to  their  houfe,  or 
camp  to  eat,  while  they  have  any  thing  to  give ;  and  it 
is  accounted  bad  manners  to  refufe  eating,  when  invited. 
They  are  very  tenacious  of  their  old  mode  of  dreffing 
and  painting,  and  do  not  change  their  fafhions  as  we  do. 
They  are  very  fond  of  tobacco,  and  the  men  almofl  all 
fmoke  it  mixed  with  fumach  leaves  or  red  willow  bark, 
pulverized ;  tho  they  feldom  ufe  it  any  other  way. 
They  make  ufe  of  the  pipe  alfo  as  a  token  of  love  and 
friendfhip. 

In  courtfhip  they  alfo  differ  from  us.  It  is  a  com 
mon  thing  among  them  for  a  young  woman,  if  in  love, 
to  make  fuit  to  a  young  man ;  tho  the  firft  addrefs  may 
be  by  the  man ;  yet  the  other  is  the  moft  common. 
The  fquaws  are  generally  very  immodeft  in  their  words 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  141 

and  adlions,  and  will  often  put  the  young  men  to  the 
blufh.  The  men  commonly  appear  to  be  pofleffed  of 
much  more  modefty  than  the  women ;  yet  I  have  been 
acquainted  with  fome  young  fquaws  that  appeared  really 
modefl:  genuine  it  mufl  be,  as  they  were  under  very 
little  reftraint  in  the  channel  of  education  or  cuftom. 

When  the  Indians  meet  one  another,  inftead  of  faying, 
how  do  you  do,  they  commonly  falute  in  the  following 
manner — you  are  my  friend — the  reply  is,  truly  friend, 
I  am  your  friend, — or,  coufin,  you  yet  exift — the  reply 
is  certainly  I  do. — They  have  their  children  under  toler 
able  command  :  feldom  ever  whip  them,  and  their  com 
mon  mode  of  chaftifing,  is  by  ducking  them  in  cold 
water ;  therefore  their  children  are  more  obedient  in  the 
winter  feafon,  than  they  are  in  the  fummer;  tho  they 
are  then  not  fo  often  ducked.  They  are  a  peaceable 
people,  and  fcarcely  ever  wrangle  or  fcold,  when  fober; 
but  they  are  very  much  addicted  to  drinking,  and  men 
and  women  will  become  bafely  intoxicated,  if  they  can, 
by  any  means,  procure  or  obtain  fpirituous  liquor ;  and 
then  they  are  commonly  either  extremely  merry  and 
kind,  or  very  turbulent,  ill-humoured  and  diforderly. 


142  Col.  James  Smith. 


ON  THEIR  TRADITIONS  AND  RELIGIOUS 
SENTIMENTS. 

As  the  family  that  I  was  adopted  into  was  intermar 
ried  with  the  Wiandots  and  Ottawas,  three  tongues  were 
commonly  fpoke,  viz.  Caughnewaga,  or  what  the  French 
call  Iroque,  alfo  the  Wiandot  and  Ottawa;  by  this 
means  I  had  an  opportunity  of  learning  thefe  three 
tongues;  and  I  found  that  thefe  nations  varied  in  their 
traditions  and  opinions  concerning  religion  ; — and  even 
numbers  of  the  fame  nations  differed  widely  in  their 
religious  fentiments.  Their  traditions  are  vague,  whim- 
fical,  romantic  and  many  of  them  fcarce  worth  relating; 
and  not  any  of  them  reach  back  to  the  creation  of  the 
world.  The  Wiandots  comes  the  nearer!  to  this.  They 
tell  of  a  fquaw  that  was  found  when  an  infant,  in  the 
water  in  a  canoe  made  of  bull-rufhes :  this  fquaw  became 
a  great  prophetefs  and  did  many  wonderful  things;  me 
turned  water  into  dry  land,  and  at  length  made  this 
continent,  which  was,  at  that  time,  only  a  very  fmall 
ifland,  and  but  a  few  Indians  in  it.  Tho  they  were 
then  but  few  they  had  not  fufficient  room  to  hunt ; 
therefore  this  fquaw  went  to  the  water  fide,  and  prayed 
that  this  little  ifland  might  be  enlarged.  The  great 
being  then  heard  her  prayer,  and  fent  great  numbers  of 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  143 

Water  Tortoifes,  and  Mufkrats,  which  brought  with 
them  mud  and  other  materials,  for  enlarging  this  ifland, 
and  by  this  means,  they  fay,  it  was  encreafed  to  the  fize 
that  it  now  remains;  therefore  they  fay,  that  the  white 
people  ought  not  to  encroach  upon  them,  or  take  their 
land  from  them,  becaufe  their  great  grand  mother  made 
it. — They  fay,  that  about  this  time  the  angels  or  heav 
enly  inhabitants,  as  they  call  them,  frequently  vifited 
them  and  talked  with  their  forefathers ;  and  gave  direc 
tions  how  to  pray,  and  how  to  appeafe  the  great  being 
when  he  was  offended.  They  told  them  that  they  were 
to  offer  facrifice,  burn  tobacco,  buffaloe  and  deer  bones; 
but  that  they  were  not  to  burn  bears  or  racoons  bones 
in  facrifice. 

The  Ottawas  fay,  that  there  are  two  great  beings  that 
rule  and  govern  the  univerfe,  who  are  at  war  with  each 
other ;  the  one  they  call  Maneto,  and  the  other  Matche- 
maneto.  They  fay  that  Maneto  is  all  kindnefs  and  love, 
and  that  Matchemaneto  is  an  evil  fpirit,  that  delights  in 
doing  mifchief ;  and  fome  of  them  think,  that  they  are 
equal  in  power,  and  therefore  worfhip  the  evil  fpirit  out 
of  a  principle  of  fear.  Others  doubt  which  of  the  two 
may  be  the  moft  powerful,  and  therefore  endeavor  to 
keep  in  favor  with  both,  by  giving  each  of  them  fome 
kind  of  worfhip.  Others  fay  that  Maneto  is  the  firft 
great  caufe  and  therefore  muft  be  all-powerful  and  fu- 
preme,  and  ought  to  be  adored  and  worfhipped;  whereas 
Matchemaneto  ought  to  be  rejected  and  difpifed. 


144  C°l-  Jawes  Smith. 


Thofe  of  the  Ottawas  that  worfhip  the  evil  fpirit, 
pretend  to  be  great  conjurors.  I  think  if  there  is  any 
fuch  thing  now  in  the  world  as  witchcraft,  it  is  among 
thefe  people.  I  have  been  told  wonderful  {lories  con 
cerning  their  proceedings;  but  never  was  eye  witnefs  to 
any  thing  that  appeared  evidently  fupernatural. 

Some  of  the  Wiandots  and  Caughnewagas  profefs  to 
be  Roman-catholics;  but  even  thefe  retain  many  of  the 
notions  of  their  anceflors.  Thofe  of  them  who  reject 
the  Roman-catholic  religion,  hold  that  there  is  one  great 
firfl  caufe,  whom  they  call  Owaneeyo,  that  rules  and 
governs  the  univerfe,  and  takes  care  of  all  his  creatures, 
rational  and  irrational,  and  gives  them  their  food  in 
due  feafon,  and  hears  the  prayers  of  all  thofe  that  call 
upon  him;  therefore  it  is  but  juft  and  reafonable  to 
pray,  and  offer  facrifice  to  this  great  being,  and  to  do 
thofe  things  that  are  pleafing  in  his  fight ; — but  they 
differ  widely  in  what  is  pleafing  or  difpleafing  to  this 
great  being.  Some  hold  that  following  nature  or  their 
own  propenfities  is  the  way  to  happinefs,  and  cannot  be 
difpleafing  to  the  deity,  becaufe  he  delights  in  the  hap 
pinefs  of  his  creatures,  and  does  nothing  in  vain;  but 
gave  thefe  difpofitions  with  a  defign  to  lead  to  happi 
nefs,  and  therefore  they  ought  to  be  followed.  Others 
reject  this  opinion  altogether,  and  fay  that  following 
their  own  propenfities  in  this  manner,  is  neither  the 
means  of  happinefs  nor  the  way  to  pleafe  the  deity. 

Tecaughretanego  was  of  opinion  that  following  nature 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  145 

in  a  limited  fenfe  was  reafonable  and  right.  He  faid 
that  moft  of  the  irrational  animals  by  following  their 
natural  propensities,  were  led  to  the  greatefl  pitch  of 
happinefs  that  their  natures  and  the  world  they  lived  in 
would  admit  of.  He  faid  that  mankind  and  the  rattle 
fnakes  had  evil  difpofitions,  that  led  them  to  injure 
themfelves  and  others.  He  gave  inftances  of  this.  He 
faid  he  had  a  puppy  that  he  did  not  intend  to  raife,  and 
in  order  to  try  an  experiment,  he  tyed  this  puppy  on  a 
pole  and  held  it  to  a  rattle  fnake,  which  bit  it  feveral 
times;  that  he  obferved  the  fnake  Shortly  after,  rolling 
about  apparently  in  great  mifery,  fo  that  it  appeared  to 
have  poifoned  itfelf  as  well  as  the  puppy.  The  other  in- 
ftance  he  gave  was  concerning  himfelf.  He  faid  that  when 
he  was  a  young  man,  he  was  very  fond  of  the  women,  and 
at  length  got  the  venereal  difeafe,  fo  that  by  following 
this  propenfity,  he  was  led  to  injure  himfelf  and  others. 
He  faid  our  happinefs  depends  on  our  ufing  our  reafon, 
in  order  to  fupprefs  thefe  evil  difpofitions  ;  but  when 
our  propensities  neither  lead  us  to  injure  ourfelves  nor 
others,  we  might  with  fafety  indulge  them,  or  even  pur- 
fue  them  as  the  means  of  happinefs. 

The  Indians  generally  are  of  opinion  that  there  are 
great  numbers  of  inferior  Deities,  which  they  call  Car- 
reyagaroona,  which  Signifies  the  Heavenly  Inhabitants. 
Thefe  beings  they  fuppofe  are  employed  as  affiStants,  in 
managing  the  affairs  of  the  univerfe,  and  in  infpecting 
the  actions  of  men  :  and  that  even  the  irrational  animals 


146  Col.  James  Smith. 


are  engaged  in  viewing  their  adtions,  and  bearing  intel 
ligence  to  the  Gods.  The  eagle,  for  this  purpofe,  with 
her  keen  eye,  is  foaring  about  in  the  day,  and  the  owl, 
with  her  nightly  eye,  perched  on  the  trees  around  their 
camp  in  the  night ;  therefore,  when  they  obferve  the 
eagle  or  the  owl  near,  they  immediately  offer  facrifice, 
or  burn  tobacco,  that  they  may  have  a  good  report  to 
carry  to  the  Gods.  They  fay  that  there  are  alfo  great 
numbers  of  evil  fpirits,  which  they  call  Onqfahroona,  which 
fignifies  the  Inhabitants  of  the  Lower  Region.  Thefe 
they  fay  are  employed  in  disturbing  the  world,  and  the 
good  fpirits  are  always  going  after  them,  and  fetting 
things  right,  fo  that  they  are  constantly  working  in  op- 
pofition  to  each  other.  Some  talk  of  a  future  ftate,  but 
not  with  any  certainty:  at  beft  their  notions  are  vague 
and  unfettled.  Others  deny  a  future  ftate  altogether, 
and  fay  that  after  death  they  neither  think  or  live. 

As  the  Caughnewagas  and  the  fix  nations  fpeak  nearly 
the  fame  language,  their  theology  is  alfo  nearly  alike. 
When  I  met  with  the  Shawanees  or  Delawares,  as  I 
could  not  fpeak  their  tongue,  I  fpoke  Ottawa  to  them, 
and  as  it  bore  fome  refemblance  to  their  language,  we 
underftood  each  other  in  fome  common  affairs,  but  as 
I  could  only  converfe  with  them  very  imperfectly,  I  can 
not  from  my  own  knowledge,  with  certainty,  give  any 
account  of  their  theological  opinions. 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  147 


ON    TKEIR    POLICE    OR    CIVIL    GOVERN 
MENT. 

I  have  often  heard  of  Indian  Kings,  but  never  faw 
any. — How  any  term  ufed  by  the  Indians  in  their  own 
tongue,  for  the  chief  man  of  a  nation,  could  be  ren 
dered  King,  I  know  not.  The  chief  of  a  nation  is 
neither  a  fupreme  ruler,  monarch  or  potentate — He  can 
neither  make  war  or  peace,  leagues  or  treaties — He  can 
not  imprefs  foldiers,  or  difpofe  of  magazines — He  can 
not  adjourn,  prorogue  or  diflblve  a  general  afTembly, 
nor  can  he  refufe  his  aflent  to  their  conclufions,  or  in 
any  manner  controul  them — With  them  there  is  no  fuch 
thing  as  heriditary  fucceffion,  title  of  nobility  or  royal 
blood,  even  talked  of — The  chief  of  a  nation,  even  with 
the  confent  of  his  aflembly,  or  council,  cannot  raife  one 
{hilling  of  tax  off  the  citizens,  but  only  receive  what 
they  pleafe  to  give  as  free  and  voluntary  donations. — 
The  chief,  of  a  nation  has  to  hunt  for  his  living,  as  any 
other  citizen — How  then  can  they  with  any  propriety, 
be  called  kings  ?  I  apprehend  that  the  white  people 
were  formerly  fo  fond  of  the  name  of  kings,  and  fo 
ignorant  of  their  power,  that  they  concluded  the  chief 
man  of  a  nation  muft  be  a  king. 


148  Col.  James  Smith. 


As  they  are  illiterate,  they  confequently  have  no 
written  code  of  laws.  What  they  execute  as  laws,  are 
either  old  cuftoms,  or  the  immediate  refult  of  new 
councils.  Some  of  their  ancient  laws  or  cuftoms  are 
very  pernicious,  and  difturb  the  public  weal.  Their 
vague  law  of  marriage  is  a  glaring  inftance  of  this,  as 
the  man  and  his  wife  are  under  no  legal  obligation  to 
live  together,  if  they  are  both  willing  to  part.  They 
have  little  form,  or  ceremony  among  them,  in  matri 
mony,  but  do  like  the  Ifraelites  of  old — the  man  goes 
in  unto  the  woman,  and  me  becomes  his  wife.  The 
years  of  puberty  and  the  age  of  confent,  is  about  four 
teen  for  the  women,  and  eighteen  for  the  men.  Before 
I  was  taken  by  the  Indians,  I  had  often  heard  that  in 
the  ceremony  of  marriage,  the  man  gave  the  woman  a 
deer's  leg,  and  me  gave  him  a  red  ear  of  corn,  Signifying 
that  me  was  to  keep  him  in  bread,  and  he  was  to  keep 
her  in  meat.  I  enquired  of  them  concerning  the  truth 
of  this,  and  they  faid  they  knew  nothing  of  it,  further 
than  that  they  had  heard  that  it  was  the  ancient  cuftom 
among  fome  nations.  Their  frequent  changing  of 
partners  prevents  propagation,  creates  difturbances,  and 
often  occafions  murder  and  bloodihed;  though  this  is 
commonly  committed  under  pretenfe  of  being  drunk. 
Their  impunity  to  crimes  committed  when  intoxicated 
with  fpirituous  liquors,  or  their  admitting  one  crime  as 
an  excufe  for  another,  is  a  very  unjuft  law  or  cuftom. 

The  extremes  they  run  into  in  dividing  the  necefla- 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  149 

ries  of  life,  are  hurtful  to  the  public  weal ;  though  their 
dividing  meat  when  hunting,  may  anfwer  a  valuable 
purpofe,  as  one  family  may  have  fuccefs  one  day,  and 
the  other  the  next ;  but  their  carrying  this  cuftom  to 
the  town,  or  to  agriculture,  is  ftriking  at  the  root  of 
induftry,  as  induftrious  perfons  ought  to  be  rewarded, 
and  the  lazy  fuffer  for  their  indolence. 

They  have  fcarcely  any  penal  laws:  the  principal 
punimment  is  degrading:  even  murder  is  not  punimed 
by  any  formal  law,  only  the  friends  of  the  murdered 
are  at  liberty  to  flay  the  murderer,  if  fome  atonement  is 
not  made.  Their  not  annexing  penalties  to  their  laws, 
is  perhaps  not  as  great  a  crime,  or  as  unjuft  and  cruel, 
as  the  bloody  penal  laws  of  England,  which  we  have  fo 
long  mamefully  prac~tifed,  and  which  are  in  force  in  this 
ftate,  until  our  penitentiary  houfe  is  finifhed,  which  is 
now  building,  and  then  they  are  to  be  repealed. 

Let  us  alfo  take  a  view  of  the  advantages  attending 
Indian  police : — They  are  not  oppreffed  or  perplexed 
with  expenfive  litigation — They  are  not  injured  by 
legal  robbery — They  have  no  fplendid  villains  that 
make  themfelves  grand  and  great  on  other  people's 
labor — They  have  neither  church  or  ftate  erected  as 
money-making  machines. 


150  Col.  James  Smith. 


ON    THEIR    DISCIPLINE,    AND    METHOD 
OF  WAR. 

I  have  often  heard  the  Britifh  officers  call  the  Indi 
ans  the  undifciplined  favages,  which  is  a  capital  miftake 
— as  they  have  all  the  eflentials  of  difcipline.  They  are 
under  good  command,  and  punctual  in  obeying  orders  : 
they  can  act  in  concert,  and  when  their  officers  lay  a 
plan  and  give  orders,  they  will  chearfully  unite  in  put 
ting  all  their  directions  into  immediate  execution ;  and 
by  each  man  obferving  the  motion  or  movement  of  his 
right  hand  companion,  they  can  communicate  the 
motion  from  right  to  left,  and  march  abreaft  in  concert, 
and  in  fcattered  order,  though  the  line  may  be  more 
than  a  mile  long,  and  continue,  if  occafion  requires,  for 
a  considerable  diflance,  without  diforder  or  confufion. 
They  can  perform  various  neceflary  manceuvers,  either 
(lowly,  or  as  faft  as  they  can  run  :  they  can  form  a  cir 
cle,  or  femi-circle  :  the  circle  they  make  ufe  of,  in  order 
to  furround  their  enemy,  and  the  femi-circle  if  the 
enemy  has  a  river  on  one  fide  of  them.  They  can  alfo 
form  a  large  hollow  fquare,  face  out  and  take  trees  : 
this  they  do,  if  their  enemies  are  about  furrounding 
them,  to  prevent  from  being  mot  from  either  fide  of 


Remarkable  Occurrences ,  Etc.  151 

the  tree.  When  they  go  into  battle  they  are  not  loaded 
or  encumbered  with  many  clothes,  as  they  commonly 
fight  naked,  fave  only  breech-clout,  leggins  and  mocke- 
fons.  There  is  no  fuch  thing  as  corporeal  punifhment 
ufed,  in  order  to  bring  them  under  fuch  good  difcipline : 
degrading  is  the  only  chaftifement,  and  they  are  fo  unan 
imous  in  this,  that  it  effectually  anfwers  the  purpofe. 
Their  officers  plan,  order  and  conduct  matters  until  they 
they  are  brought  into  action,  and  then  each  man  is  to 
fight  as  though  he  was  to  gain  the  battle  himfelf.  Gen 
eral  orders  are  commonly  given  in  time  of  battle,  either 
to  advance  or  retreat,  and  is  done  by  a  fhout  or  yell, 
which  is  well  underftood,  and  then  they  retreat  or 
advance  in  concert.  They  are  generally  well  equipped, 
and  exceeding  expert  and  active  in  the  ufe  of  arms. 
Could  it  be  fuppofed  that  undifciplined  troops  could 
defeat  Generals  Braddock,  Grant,  &c  ?  It  may  be  faid 
by  fome  that  the  French  were  alfo  engaged  in  this  war : 
true,  they  were ;  yet  I  know  it  was  the  Indians  that  laid 
the  plan,  and  with  fmall  affiftance,  put  it  into  execution. 
The  Indians  had  no  aid  from  the  French,  or  any  other 
power,  when  they  befieged  Fort  Pitt  in  the  year  1763, 
and  cut  off  the  communication  for  a  confiderable  time, 
between  that  poft  and  Fort  Loudon,  and  would  have 
defeated  General  Bouquet's  army,  (who  were  on  the  way 
to  raife  the  fiege)  had  it  not  been  for  the  affiftance  of 
the  Virginia  volunteers.  They  had  no  Britifh  troops 
with  them  when  they  defeated  Colonel  Crawford,  near 


152  Col.   James  Smith. 


the  Sandufky,  in  the  time  of  the  American  War  with 
Great  Britain  ;  or  when  they  defeated  Colonel  Lough- 
rie,  on  the  Ohio,  near  the  Miami,  on  his  way  to  meet 
General  Clarke  :  this  was  alfo  in  the  time  of  the  Britim 
war.  It  was  the  Indians  alone  that  defeated  Colonel 
Todd,  in  Kentucky,  near  the  Blue  licks,  in  the  year 
1782  ;  and  Colonel  Harmer,  betwixt  the  Ohio  and 
Lake  Erie,  in  the  year  1790,  and  General  St.  Clair,  in 
the  year  1791  ;  and  it  is  faid  that  there  was  more  of 
our  men  killed  at  this  defeat,  than  there  were  in  any  one 
battle  during  our  conteft  with  Great  Britain.  They  had 
no  aid  when  they  fought  even  the  Virginia  rifle-men 
almoft  a  whole  day,  at  the  Great  Kanhawa,  in  the  year 
1774;  and  when  they  found  they  could  not  prevail 
againft  the  Virginians,  they  made  a  moft  artful  retreat. 
Notwithftanding  they  had  the  Ohio  to  crofs,  fome  con 
tinued  firing,  whilft  others  were  crofting  the  river ;  in 
this  manner  they  proceeded  until  they  all  got  over, 
before  the  Virginians  knew  that  they  had  retreated  ;  and 
in  this  retreat  they  carried  off  all  their  wounded.  In 
the  moft  of  the  foregoing  defeats,  they  fought  with  an 
inferior  number,  though  in  this,  I  believe  it  was  not 
the  cafe. 

Nothing  can  be  more  unjuftly  reprefented  than  the 
different  accounts  we  have  had  of  their  number  from 
time  to  time,  both  by  their  own  computations,  and  that 
of  the  Britim.  While  I  was  among  them,  I  faw  the 
account  of  the  number,  that  they  in  thofe  parts  gave  to 


Remarkable  Occurrences •,  Etc.  153 

the  French,  and  kept  it  by  me.  When  they  in  their 
own  council-houfe,  were  taking  an  account  of  their 
number,  with  a  piece  of  bark  newly  ftripped,  and  a  fmall 
flick,  which  anfwered  the  end  of  a  flate  and  pencil,  I 
took  an  account  of  the  different  nations  and  tribes, 
which  I  added  together,  and  found  there  were  not  half 
the  number  which  they  had  given  the  French;  and 
though  they  were  then  their  allies,  and  lived  among 
them,  it  was  not  eafy  finding  out  the  deception,  as  they 
were  a  wandering  fet,  and  fome  of  them  almoft  always  in 
the  woods  hunting.  I  aiked  one  of  the  chiefs  what  was 
their  reafon  for  making  fuch  different  returns  ?  He 
faid  it  was  for  political  reafons,  in  order  to  obtain  greater 
prefents  from  the  French,  by  telling  them  they  could 
not  divide  fuch  and  fuch  quantities  of  goods  among  fo 
many. 

In  year  of  General  Bouquet's  laft  campaign,  1764,  I 
faw  the  official  return  made  by  the  Britifh  officers,  of  the 
number  of  Indians  that  were  in  arms  againft  us  that 
year,  which  amounted  to  thirty  thoufand.  As  I  was 
then  a  lieutenant  in  the  Britifh  fervice,  I  told  them  I 
was  of  opinion  that  there  was  not  above  one  thoufand 
in  arms  againft  us,  as  they  were  divided  by  Broadftreet's 
army  being  then  at  Lake  Erie.  .  The  Britifh  officers 
hooted  at  me,  and  faid  they  could  not  make  England 
fenfible  of  the  difficulties  they  labored  under  in  fighting 
them,  as  England  expeds  that  their  troops  could  fight 
the  undifciplined  favages  in  America,  five  to  one,  as 

20 


1 54  Col.  James  Smith . 


they  did  the  Eaft-Indians,  and  therefore  my  report 
would  not  anfwer  their  purpofe,  as  they  could  not  give 
an  honorable  account  of  the  war,  but  by  augmenting 
their  number.  I  am  of  opinion  that  from  Braddock's 
war,  until  the  prefent  time,  there  never  were  more  than 
three  thoufand  Indians  at  any  time,  in  arms  againft  us, 
weft  of  Fort  Pitt,  and  frequently  not  half  that  number. 
According  to  the  Indians'  own  accounts  during  the 
whole  of  Braddock's  war,  or  from  1755,  till  1758,  they 
killed  or  took,  fifty  of  our  people,  for  one  that  they 
loft.  In  the  war  that  commenced  in  the  year  1763,  they 
killed,  comparatively,  few  of  our  people,  and  loft  more 
of  theirs,  as  the  frontiers  (efpecially  the  Virginians)  had 
learned  fomething  of  their  method  of  war:  yet,  they, 
in  this  war,  according  to  their  own  accounts,  (which  I 
believe  to  be  true)  killed  or  took  ten  of  our  people,  for 
one  they  loft. 

Let  us  now  take  a  view  of  the  blood  and  treafure  that 
was  fpent  in  oppofing  comparatively,  a  few  Indian  war 
riors,  with  only  fome  affiftance  from  the  French,  the  firft 
four  years  of  the  war.  Additional  to  the  amazing  de- 
ftrudion  and  daughter  that  the  frontiers  fuftained,  from 
James  River  to  Sufquehanna,  and  about  thirty  miles 
broad;  the  following  campaigns  were  alfo  carried  on 
againft  the  Indians: — General  Braddock's,  in  the  year 
1755:  Colonel  Armstrong's  againft  the  Cattanyan  town, 
on  the  Alleghany,  1757:  General  Forbes',  in  1758: 
General  Stanwick's,  in  1759:  General  Monkton's,  in 


Remarkable  Occurrences,   Etc.  155 

1760:  Colonel  Bouquet's,  1761 — and  1763,  when  he 
fought  the  battle  of  Bufhy  Run,  and  loft  above  one 
hundred  men  ;  but  by  the  affiftance  of  the  Virginia  vol 
unteers,  drove  the  Indians;  Colonel  Armftrong's,  up 
the  Weft  Branch  of  Susquehanna,  in  1763:  General 
Broadftreet's,  up  Lake  Erie,  in  1764:  General  Bou 
quet's,  againft  the  Indians  at  Mufkingum,  in  1764: 
Lord  Dunmore's,  in  1774:  General  M'Intofh's,  in 
1778:  Colonel  Crawford's,  fhortly  after  his,  General 
Clarke's  in  1778 — 1780:  Colonel  Bowman's,  1779: 
General  Clarke's,  in  1782 — againft  the  Wabafh,  in 
1786:  General  Logan's  againft  the  Shawanees  in 

1786:   General  Wilkinfon's  in :  Colonel  Harmer's 

in  1790:  and  General  St.  Clair's,  in  1791;  which,  in 
all,  are  twenty-two  campaigns,  befides  fmaller  expedi 
tions,  fuch  as  the  French  Creek  expedition,  Colonels 
Edward's,  Loughrie's,  &c.  All  thefe  were  exclufive  of 
the  number  of  men  that  were  internally  employed  as 
fcouting  parties,  and  in  creeling  forts,  guarding  ftations, 
&c.  When  we  take  the  foregoing  occurrences  into  con- 
fideration,  may  we  not  reafonably  conclude,  that  they 
are  the  beft  difciplined  troops  in  the  known  world?  Is 
it  not  the  beft  difcipline  that  has  the  greateft  tendency 
to  annoy  the  enemy  and  fave  their  own  men  ?  I  appre 
hend  that  the  Indian  difcipline  is  as  well  calculated  to 
anfwer  the  purpofe  in  the  woods  of  America,  as  the 
Britifh  difcipline  in  Flanders  :  and  Britifh  difcipline  in 
the  woods,  is  the  way  to  have  men  flaughtered,  with 
fcarcely  any  chance  of  defending  themfelves. 


156  Col.  James  Smith. 


Let  us  take  a  view  of  the  benefits  we  have  received, 
by  what  little  we  have  learned  of  their  art  of  war,  which 
coft  us  dear,  and  the  lofs  that  we  have  fuftained  for  want 
of  it,  and  then  fee  if  it  will  not  be  well  worth  our  while 
to  retain  what  we  have,  and  alfo  to  endeavor  to  improve 
in  this  neceflary  branch  of  bufinefs.  Though  we  have 
made  confiderable  proficiency  in  this  line,  and  in  fome 
refpecls  out-do  them,  viz.  as  markfmen,  and  in  cutting 
our  rifles,  and  in  keeping  them  in  good  order;  yet,  I 
apprehend  we  are  far  behind  in  their  manoeuvres,  or  in 
being  able  to  furprize,  or  prevent  a  furprize.  May  we 
not  conclude  that  the  progrefs  we  had  made  in  their  art 
of  war,  contributed  considerably  towards  our  fuccefs,  in 
various  refpects,  when  contending  with  great  Britain  for 
liberty?  Had  the  Britim  king,  attempted  to  enflave  us 
before  Braddock's  war,  in  all  probability  he  might  read 
ily  have  done  it,  becaufe,  except  the  New-Englanders, 
who  had  formerly  been  engaged  in  war,  with  the  Indians, 
we  were  unacquainted  with  any  kind  of  war;  but  after 
fighting  fuch  a  fubtil  and  barbarous  enemy  as  the  Indi 
ans,  we  were  not  terrified  at  the  approach  of  Britim 
red-coats. — Was  not  Burgoyne's  defeat  accomplime'd  in 
fome  meafure  by  the  Indian  mode  of  fighting?  and  did 
not  Gen.  Morgan's  rifle-men,  and  many  others,  fight 
with  greater  fuccefs,  in  confequence  of  what  they  had 
learned  of  their  art  of  war?  Kentucky  would  not  have 
been  fettled  at  the  time  it  was,  had  the  Virginians  been 
altogether  ignorant  of  this  method  of  war. 


Remarkable  Occurrences,   Etc.  157 

In  Braddock's  war,  the  frontiers  were  laid  wafte,  for 
above  three  hundred  miles  long,  and  generally  about 
thirty  broad,  excepting  fome  that  were  living  in  forts, 
and  many  hundreds,  or  perhaps  thoufands,  killed  or 
made  captives,  and  horfes,  and  all  kinds  of  property 
carried  off:  but,  in  the  next  Indian  war,  though  we  had 
the  fame  Indians  to  cope  with,  the  frontiers  almoft  all 
flood  their  ground,  becaufe  they  were  by  this  time,  in 
fome  meafure  acquainted  with  their  mancevres  ;  and  the 
want  of  this,  in  the  firft  war,  was  the  caufe  of  the  lofs  of 
many  hundred  of  our  citizens,  and  much  treafure. 

Though  large  volumes  have  been  wrote  on  morality, 
yet  it  may  all  be  fummed  up  in  faying,  do  as  you  would 
wifh  to  be  done  by:  fo  the  Indians  fum  up  the  art  of 
war  in  the  following  manner: 

The  bufinefs  of  the  private  warriors  is  to  be  under 
command,  or  punctually  to  obey  orders — to  learn  to 
march  a-breaft  in  fcattered  order,  fo  as  to  be  in  readinefs 
to  furround  the  enemy,  or  to  prevent  being  furrounded 
— to  be  good  markfmen,  and  active  in  the  ufe  of  arms — 
to  practice  running — to  learn  to  endure  hunger  or  hard- 
fhips  with  patience  and  fortitude — to  tell  the  truth  at 
all  times  to  their  officers,  but  more  efpecially  when  fent 
out  to  fpy  the  enemy. 

Concerning  Officers.  They  fay  that  it  would  be  abfurd 
to  appoint  a  man  an  officer  whofe  {kill  and  courage  had 
never  been  tried — that  all  officers  mould  be  advanced 
only  according  to  merit — that  no  one  man  mould  have 


158  Col.   James  Smith. 


the  abfolute  command  of  an  army — that  a  council  of 
officers  are  to  determine  when,,  and  how  an  attack  is  to 
be  made — that  it  is  the  bufinefs  of  the  officers  to  lay 
plans  to  take  every  advantage  of  the  enemy — to  ambufh 
and  furprize  them,  and  to  prevent  being  ambufhed  and 
furprized  themfelves — it  is  the  duty  of  officers  to  pre 
pare  and  deliver  fpeeches  to  the  men,  in  order  to  anni- 
mate  and  encourage  them;  and  on  the  march,  to  prevent 
the  men,  at  any  time,  from  getting  into  a  huddle,  be- 
caufe  if  the  enemy  mould  furround  them  in  this  pofi- 
tion,vthey  would  be  expofed  to  the  enemy's  fire.  It  is 
likewife  their  bufinefs  at  all  times  to  endeavor  to  annoy 
their  enemy,  and  fave  their  own  men,  and  therefore 
ought  never  to  bring  on  an  attack  without  confiderable 
advantage,  or  without  what  appeared  to  them  the  fure 
profpect  of  victory,  and  that  with  the  lofs  of  few  men  : 
and  if  at  any  time  they  mould  be  miftaken  in  this,  and 
are  like  to  lofe  many  men  by  gaining  the  victory,  it  is 
their  duty  to  retreat,  and  wait  for  a  better  opportunity 
of  defeating  their  enemy,  without  the  danger  of  lofing 
fo  many  men.  Their  conduct  proves  that  they  act  upon 
thefe  principles,  therefore  it  is,  that  from  Braddock's 
war  to  the  prefent  time,  they  have  feldom  ever  made  an 
unfuccefsful  attack.  The  battle  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Great  Kanhawa,  is  the  greater!  inftance  of  this;  and  even 
then,  though  the  Indians  killed  about  three,  for  one 
they  loft,  yet  they  retreated.  The  lofs  of  the  Virgin 
ians  in  this  action,  was  feventy  killed  and  the  fame 


Remarkable   Occurrences,   Etc.  159 

number  wounded: — The  Indians  loft  twenty  killed  on 
the  field,  and  eight,  who  died  afterwards,  of  their 
wounds.  This  was  the  greateft  lofs  of  men  that  I  ever 
knew  the  Indians  to  fuftain  in  any  one  battle.  They 
will  commonly  retreat  if  their  men  are  falling  faft — they 
will  not  ftand  cutting,  like  the  Highlanders,  or  other 
Britifh  troops :  but  this  proceeds  from  a  compliance 
with  their  rules  of  war,  rather  than  cowardice.  If  they 
are  furrounded,  they  will  fight  while  there  is  a  man  of 
them  alive,  rather  than  furrender.  When  Colonel  John 
Armftrong  furrounded  the  Cattanyan  town,  on  the  Alle 
gheny  river,  Captain  Jacobs,  a  Delaware  chief,  with 
fome  warriors,  took  porTeffion  of  a  houfe,  defended 
themfelves  for  fome  time,  and  killed  a  number  of  our 
men.  As  Jacobs  could  fpeak  Englifh,  our  people  called 
on  him  to  furrender :  he  faid  that  he  and  his  men  were 
warriors,  and  they  would  all  fight  while  life  remained. 
He  was  again  told  that  they  mould  be  well  ufed,  if  they 
would  only  furrender ;  and  if  not,  the  houfe  mould  be 
burned  down  over  their  heads: — Jacobs  replied  he  could 
eat  fire :  and  when  the  houfe  was  in  a  flame,  he,  and 
they  that  were  with  him,  came  out  in  a  fighting  pofition, 
and  were  all  killed.  As  they  are  a  fharp,  active  kind 
of  people,  and  war  is  their  principal  ftudy,  in  this  they 
have  arrived  at  confiderable  perfection.  We  may  learn 
of  the  Indians  what  is  ufeful  and  laudable,  and  at  the 
fame  time  lay  afide  their  barbarous  proceedings.  It  is 
much  to  be  lamented  that  fome  of  our  frontier  rifle-men 


160  Col.  James  Smith. 

are  prone  to  imitate  them  in  their  inhumanity.  During 
the  Britifh  war,  a  confiderable  number  of  men  from  be 
low  Fort  Pitt,  crofTed  the  Ohio,  and  marched  into  a 
town  of  Friendly  Indians,  chiefly  Delawares,  who  pro- 
ferTed  the  Moravian  religion.  As  the  Indians  appre 
hended  no  danger,  they  neither  lifted  arms  or  fled. 
After  thefe  rifle-men  were  fometime  in  the  town,  and 
the  Indians  altogether  in  their  power,  in  cool  blood, 
they  marTacred  the  whole  town,  without  diftinction  of 
age  or  fex.  This  was  an  act  of  barbarity  beyond  any 
thing  I  ever  knew  to  be  committed  by  the  favages  them- 
felves. 

Why  have  we  not  made  greater  proficiency  in  the 
Indian  art  of  war?  Is  it  becaufe  we  are  too  proud  to 
imitate  them,  even  though  it  fhould  be  a  means  of  pre- 
ferving  the  lives  of  many  of  our  citizens  ?  No  !  We 
are  not  above  borrowing  language  from  them,  fuch  as 
homony,  pone,  tomahawk,  &c.  which  is  little  or  no  ufe 
to  us.  I  apprehend  that  the  reafons  why  we  have  not 
improved  more  in  this  refpect,  are  as  follows:  no  im 
portant  acquisition  is  to  be  obtained  but  by  attention 
and  diligence;  and  as  it  is  eafier  to  learn  to  move  and 
act  in  concert,  in  clofe  order,  in  the  open  plain,  than  to 
act  in  concert  in  fcattered  order,  in  the  woods;  fo  it  is 
eafier  to  learn  our  difcipline,  than  the  Indian  manoeuvres. 
They  train  up  their  boys  to  the  art  of  war  from  the 
time  they  are  twelve  or  fourteen  years  of  age;  whereas 
the  principal  chance  our  people  had  of  learning,  was  by 


Remarkable  Occurrences,  Etc.  161 

obferving  their  movements  when  in  action  againft  us. 
I  have  been  long  aftonifhed  that  no  one  has  wrote 
upon  this  important  fubject,  as  their  art  of  war  would 
not  only  be  of  ufe  to  us  in  cafe  of  another  rupture  with 
them ;  but  were  only  part  of  our  men  taught  this  art, 
accompanied  with  our  continental  difcipline,  I  think  no 
European  power,  after  trial,  would  venture  to  mew  its 
head  in  the  American  woods. 

If  what  I  have  wrote  mould  meet  the  approbation  of 
my  countrymen,  perhaps  I  may  publifh  more  upon  this 
subject,  in  a  future  edition. 

END. 


APPENDIX. 

Illustrative  Notes. 

BY   WM.    M.    DARLINGTON. 

Fort  London — page  5. 

Fort  Loudon  was  erected  in  the  year  1756,  near  the  site  of 
the  present  town  of  Loudon,  in  Franklin  county,  Pennsylvania. 
It  was  named  in  honor  of  John  Campbell,  Earl  of  Loudon, 
appointed  on  March  20,  1756,  Commander-in-chief  of  all  the 
forces  in  North  America. — Penn.  y/nr/6.,  vol.  x'ri,  p.  395  ;  London 
Mag.  for  i757,/>.  504. 

Early  Provincial  Roads — page  5. 

Braddock's  road  was  opened  in  May  and  June,  1755,  from 
Fort  Cumberland  to  the  Great  Crossings  of  the  Youghiogheny 
(now  Smithfield),  by  nearly  the  same  line  as  that  of  the  present 
National  road.  Smithfield  is  about  four  miles  from  the  Turkey- 
foot. 

General  Braddock  and  the  Quartermaster  General,  Sir  John 
St.  Clair,  urgently  solicited  Governor  Morris  and  the  Council 
of  Pennsylvania  to  order  the  construction  of  a  road  from  the 
inhabited  parts  of  the  province  westward  toward  the  Ohio,  to 
facilitate  supplies  of  troops  and  provisions,  as  there  was  no 


1 64  Appendix. 


wagon  road  through  the  mountains  west  of  Carlisle,  "  only  a 
horse-path  used  by  the  Indian  traders."  Accordingly,  the  Gov 
ernor  and  Council  directed  a  road  to  be  made  from  Shippensburgh 
to  the  Youghiogheny.  James  Burd,  Adam  Hoops,  George 
Croghan,  William  Smith  (mentioned  as  "  one  of  ye  Commis 
sioners  of  ye  County"  (Cumberland),  and  others,  were 
appointed  Commissioners.  They  laid  out  the  road  ;  but,  owing 
to  the  defeat  of  Braddock  on  the  9th  of  July,  work  on  it  was 
suspended  ;  nor  was  it  completed  until  a  few  years  after  the  cap 
ture  of  Fort  Du  Quesne,  in  November,  1758.  It  traversed  the 
present  counties  of  Somerset,  Bedford,  Fulton,  and  part  of 
Franklin.  For  many  years  it  was  known  by  the  name  of 
"  Smith's  road,"  from  the  circumstance  of  his  capture  on  it 
during  its  construction,  as  related  in  his  narrative,  and  in  the 
letter  of  Colonel  James  Burd,  one  of  the  Commissioners,  as 

"  FROM  THE  ALLEGHENY  MOUNTAINS,  | 
"5th  July,  1755.      } 

**  HONORED  SIR  :  We  have  now  got  this  far  with  the  road,  but  at 
present  are  under  a  very  great  dilemma,  the  cause  of  which  is  as  fol 
lows  :  We  had  thought  it  necessary  to  make  use  of  an  empty  house, 
47  miles  from  Anthony  Thompson's,  for  a  store-house  for  our  pro 
visions,  and  we  sent  a  guard  of  seven  men,  armed,  to  said  store-house. 
They  immediately  fortified  the  house,  and  had  received  some  of  our 
provisions.  We  were  like  to  be  short  of  meat,  etc.,  and  hearing  that 
there  were  wagons,  and  supposing  cattle,  upon  the  road,  one  Mr.  Rob 
ert  McCay,  who  had  the  command  of  the  store  and  the  people  there, 
sent  a  boy  called  James  Smith,  about  sixteen  years  of  age,  down  the 
road  to  hurry  up  the  cattle  and  wagons.  Said  Smith  meeting  a 
man  sent  up  by  Mr.  Adam  Hoops,  at  Ray's  Town,  received  infor 
mation  that  the  wagons  were  just  at  hand,  upon  which  the  boy  returned 
with  Mr.  Hoops'  man  hither,  the  wagons  at  this  time  being  behind. 
The  wagons  arrived  at  the  store  the  3d  curr't,  at  noon.  Inquiry  was 
made  of  the  wagoners  where  Mr.  Hoops'  man  and  the  boy  were,  and 
they  replied  that  they  had  not  seen  them;  upon  which  they  went  out 


Illustrative  Notes.  165 


to  search  for  them.  They  first  found  the  boy's  hat,  and  then  Mr. 
Hoops'  man's  (named  Arnold  Vigorous)  gun,  and  about  ten  perches 
from  thence,  Arnold  lying  dead,  being  shot  through  with  two  bullets 
and  scalped.  Mr.  McCay  immediately  dispatched  an  express  to  me  to 
the  camp,  about  twelve  miles  from  the  store.  I  went  down  with 
a  party  of  twelve  men  of  Captain  Hogg's  company,  and  saw  the  corpse 
and  got  it  buried,  but  can  find  nothing  of  the  boy,  only  his  horse  we  have 
got.  That  night,  being  the  evening  of  the  3d  curr't,  we  mounted  guard 
at  the  store.  About  9  o'clock  we  were  attacked  by  Indians  ;  their  num 
ber  we  could  not  know.  Two  of  our  sentinels  fired  at  two  of  the  Indians 
which  they  saw,  and  I  myself  pursued  singly  the  said  two  Indians,  but 
being  dark  amongst  the  trees,  could  not  see  them  nor  overtake  them,  but 
heard  them  plainly  about  fifteen  yards  before  me.  The  next  day, 
being  the  4th  curr't,  I  returned  to  our  camp,  and  was  under  a  necessity 
to  call  the  people  together,  and  made  use  of  all  the  arguments  I  could 
to  induce  them  to  continue  in  the  service  until  we  had  finished.  But, 
unfortunately,  we  had  an  alarm  last  night.  One  of  the  sentinels  on 
the  picket  guard  challenged  three  times  and  fired  his  musket,  which  has 
struch  a  great  terror  into  the  laborers ;  thirty  of  them  are  gone  home 
this  morning,  and  the  remainder  are  very  much  dissatisfied,  as  they  have 
no  arms,  and  I  am  really  afraid  we  shall  not  be  able  to  keep  them 
much  longer.  However,  the  Governor  may  depend  upon  my  utmost 
endeavors  to  carry  on  the  work,  and  that  I  won't  leave  my  duty  while  I 
have  ten  men  to  work,  or  am  recalled  by  your  Honor. 

"  We  are  obliged  to  send  off  this  morning  a  guard  of  twelve  men 
and  a  sergeant  of  Captain  Hogg's  Company  for  a  covering  party  for 
our  returning  wagons,  and  to  bring  up  our  provisions  from  the  inhabit 
ants,  as  we  can't  so  much  as  hunt  up  our  horses  but  with  a  guard.  Our 
roads  are  all  waylaid  in  order  to  cut  off  our  provisions  and  any  strag 
gling  men  they  can.  Mr.  William  Smith  is  likewise  under  a  necessity  s 
to  go  home  this  morning,  as  the  boy  that  is  taken  prisoner  (as  we  sup 
pose)  is  his  brother-in-law.  We  have  now  about  three  days'  provisions. 

"  Please  to  excuse  unconnections. 

"  1  am,  respectfully,  your  Honor's  most  obed't,  h'ble,  servant, 

"JAMES   BURD." 

"  To  THE  HONORABLE   GOVERNOR  MORRIS." 

—  Col.  Recs.  of  Penn.,  vol.  vl.,  p.  466,  #W  pp.  302,  318,  404,  etc. ; 
Shippen  Papers,  pp.  89  to  45. 


1 66  Appendix. 


Ligoneer — page  7. 

The  town  of  Ligonier,  in  Westmoreland  county,  on  the 
Loyalhanna  creek  and  Philadelphia  turnpike  road,  fifty  miles 
east  of  Pittsburg.  Fort  Ligonier  was  erected  here  in  1758. 

Indian  Town — page  13. 

The  Kittanning  villages,  inhabited  chiefly  by  Delawares.  On 
September  8,  1756,  fourteen  months  after  Smith's  compulsory 
visit,  they  were  attacked  and  destroyed  by  the  Provincial  troops, 
under  the  command  of  Col.  John  Armstrong.  Now  the  site 
of  the  flourishing  town  of  Kittanning,  the  county  seat  of  Arm 
strong  county,  Pennsylvania. 

\ 

Tullihas — page  ij. 

At  or  near  the  confluence  of  the  Mohican  and  Owl  creeks 
(forming  the  Whitewoman  or  Walhonding),  in  the  township  of 
Newcastle,  Coshocton  county,  Ohio.  On  the  map  of  Hutchins 
there  is  an  Indian  village  near  that  point  marked  Owl's  T. 
Among  the  Indians  allied  to  the  French,  on  the  Upper  Ohio,  in 
1754,  a  chief  or  warrior,  named  "The  Owl,"  is  mentioned 
in  the  letter  of  Captain  Stobo,  from  Fort  Du  Quesne,  July 
29,  1754. — Penn.  Col.  Rec.,  vol.  vi^  p.  143  ;  Memoirs  of  Stobo, 
p.  92. 

Gook-bo-sing,    or    Habitation   \  Capt.  Hutchins''  Map,  prefixed  to  the 

of  Owls.     Heckwelder's   Nar-    1  account    of  Bouquet's    Expedition 

rative,  page  280;  so  called  from    (  against  the  Ohio  Indians  in  1764. 

the  quantity  of  these   birds  re-   /  Philadelphia  and  London,  1765-6. 

sorting  thither. — Loskie's  Mis-   \  Republished  by  Robert  Clarke  & 

sions,  page  162.                               /  Co.,  Cincinnati,  1868. 

The  celebrated  Delaware  chief,  Captain  Pipe,  had  his  place  of 
residence  in  1776  on  the  Walhonding,  about  fifteen  miles  above 


Illustrative  Notes.  167 


Coshocton,  the  "  Forks  of  Muskingum." — Heckwelder's  Narra 
tive,  p.  143. 

Adoption  by  the  Indians — page  15. 

John  McCullough,  a  boy,  who  was  captured  by  the  Indians, 
near  Fort  Loudon,  in  1756,  underwent  like  transformation.  He 
was  painted,  feathered,  and  ducked  in  the  Allegheny  river,  near 
Fort  Du  Quesne,  then  clad  in  a  new  ruffled  shirt  and  told  he 
had  become  an  Indian.  - — Narrative  in  Border  Life,  Lancaster, 
1841,  p.  91. 

Pluggy—page  17. 

A  Mohawk  chief,  styled  Captain  Pluggy  (probably  son  of  Tecan- 
yaterighto)  appeared  at  the  council  held  by  Lord  Dunmore 
with  the  Indians  at  or  near  Fort  Pitt,  in  the  fall  of  1774. 
— Am.  Arch.,  \th  series,  vol.  i,  p.  486. 

He  became  celebrated,  leading  many  bloody  forays  into  West 
ern  Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  and  Kentucky.  Patrick  Henry, 
Governor  of  Virginia  in  1777,  authorized  an  expedition  to  be 
raised  and  directed  exclusively  against  the  u  enemy  of  Plug- 
gystown."  It  was  abandoned,  however,  from  the  apprehension 
it  might  cause  a  general  Indian  war.  Letter  of  P.  Henry  to 
John  Neville  and  Col.  Morgan,  at  Fort  Pitt,  and  reply.  Min 
utes  of  the  council  of  Virginia. — 5  Penn.  Arch.,  pp.  258,  260, 
286. 

Message  of  Killbuck  to  Col.  Morgan. — Id.,  p.  44. 

Letters  of  Zeisberger  and  Gen.  Hand. — Id.,  pp.  443,  447. 

Pluggy  and  his  band  defeated  the  whites  near  McClelland's 
Station,  now  Georgetown,  Kentucky,  on  Christmas  day,  1776, 
and  again  on  Jan.  I,  1777. — McDonald's  Sketches,  p.  212. 

Indian  towns  were  often  known  to  the  whites  by  the  name  of 


1 68  Appendix. 


a  prominent  chief  or  warrior.  "  Pluggystown  "  was  also  known 
as  Upper  Chillicothe  (Schoolcraf?  s  Ab.  Arch.,  vol.  iv,  p.  632),  and 
as  Old  Chillicothe,  four  miles  below  Circleville,  on  the  west 
side  of  the  Scioto,  where  the  celebrated  Logan  resided,  and 
where  he  delivered  his  famous  speech. —  Ch.  Whittlesey's  Essays,  pp. 
142  to  147  ;  Howe's  Hist,  of  Ohio,  pp.  402  to  406. 

Buffalo  Lick — page  21. 

In  Licking  and  Fairfield  counties,  now  known  as  the  Reser 
voir  or  Licking  Summit  of  the  Ohio  Canal,  ten  miles  south  of 
Newark.  The  main  Indian  trail  from  the  forks  of  the  Ohio  to 
the  Miami  towns  led  by  this  swamp,  then,  no  doubt,  of  vast 
extent.  Christopher  Gist,  agent  of  the  Ohio  Company  (of 
Virginia),  sent  out  to  examine  the  country,  with  George  Croghan 
and  Andrew  Montour,  messengers,  with  presents  from  Governor 
Hamilton,  of  Pennsylvania,  to  the  Twightwees  (Miamis),  reached 
this  point  and  encamped  on  January  lyth,  1751.  On  the  next 
day  they  "set  out  from  the  Great  Swamp,"  as  it  is  noticed  by 
Gist  in  his  journal. — 5  Col.  Rec.,  p.  485;  Evans'  Map  of  1755, 
and  Evans'  and  PownaWs  Map  of  1776;  Hutchins'  Large  Map, 
1778;  Pioneer  Pamphlet  No.  3,  p.  II,  pub.  by  the  Licking  Co. 
Pioneer  Society,  Newark,  O.,  1869. 

Cat  aw  b  as — page  22. 

This  warlike  tribe  inhabited  the  Carolinas,  chiefly  in  the 
country  adjacent  to  the  Catawba  river.  They  were  the  ancient 
and  inveterate  enemies  of  the  Iroquois  or  Six  Nations,  with 
whom  they  were  continually  at  war.  The  other  tribes  con 
ceded  to  them  the  highest  character  for  bravery,  daring  and  sub 
tlety.  When  South  Carolina  was  first  settled  by  the  English,  in 


Illustrative  Notes.  169 

1670,  the  Catawbas  could  muster  fifteen  hundred  warriors;  in 
1836,  the  entire  tribe  numbered  less  than  one  hundred,  who 
occupied  the  fine  tract  of  land,  fifteen  miles  square,  in  the 
counties  of  York  and  Lancaster,  which  was  originally  reserved 
for  them  by  the  Proprietary  Government.  The  few  remaining 
of  this  once  formidable  nation  now  reside  in  the  western  part  of 
North  Carolina. 

Some  writers  suppose  that  the  Catawbas  were  the  remnant  of 
the  celebrated  Eries,  who  were  expelled  from  their  ancient 
country  on  the  shores  of  Lake  Erie  and  driven  south  by  the 
conquering  Iroquois,  in  1650.  There  is  considerable  evidence 
in  support  of  this  view. — Transac.  Am.  Antiq.  «SW.,  vol.  //,  p.  87; 
Hist.  Coll.  of  South  Carolina,  vol.  i,  pp.  49,  188  ;  Am.  Abor. 
Arch.,  vol.  /'//,  p.  288  ;  Bishop  Gregg's  History  of  the  old  Cheraws, 
pp.  3,  1 8,  etc.;  Mouzon's  Map  of  the  Carolina*,  1775. 

Canesadooharie — page  25. 

The  Black  river,  in  Lorain  county.  The  route  of  the 
Indians  with  Smith  appears  to  have  been  from  the  town  of  Tul- 
lihas  up  along  the  lake  fork  of  the  Mohican  creek  to  its  source 
in  the  northern  part  of  Ashland  county;  thence  a  few  miles 
north-easterly  to  the  head  waters  of  Black  river,  in  Lorain. 
On  the  map  published  by  Lewis  Evans,  in  1755,  the  "  Guahad- 
ahuri"  is  the  only  river  laid  down  between  the  Cuyahoga  and 
the  Sandusky,  although  it  is  placed  too  far  west — about  the 
locality  of  the  Vermillion.  On  Captain  Thos.  Hutchins'  large 
map  of  1778,  Black  river  is  correctly  laid  down,  and  named 
"  Riviere  en  Grys"  (Gray).  See,  also,  Knapp's  History  of  Ash 
land  Co.,  p.  II',  Taylors  Ohio,  pp.  88,  521,  note.  The  latter 
author  and  others  have  been  misled  by  the  misprint  of 
22 


i  jo  Appendix. 


eight  (in  all  the  editions  of  the  narrative  excepting  the  original 
and  the  present)  instead  of  eighty  miles,  stated  by  Smith  to  be 
about  the  distance  between  the  Sandusky  and  Black  rivers. 
The  correct  distance  does  not  exceed  fifty-two  miles. 

The  Falls  of  Black  river,  at  Elyria,  in  Lorain  county,  are 
doubtless  the  same  mentioned  in  the  Narrative  (pp.  28  and  42) ; 
their  descent  is.  forty  feet  perpendicular.  The  reader  will,  of 
course,  make  due  allowance  for  the  errors  in  the  distances  given 
in  the  Narrative.  Smith  was  young,  and  his  means  of  taking  and 
preserving  notes,  either  in  the  wigwam  or  the  canoe,  very 
scanty. 

Potatoes — page  29. 

Ogh-ne-an-ata. — Mohawk  Vocabulary,  in  Am.  Abor.  Arch.,  vol. 

a,  p.  487. 

Large  Creek — page  29. 

Rocky  river  in  Medina,  Lorain  and  Cuyahoga  counties. 
According  to  the  distances  given  in  the  narrative  their  "winter 
cabin"  was  probably  erected  on  the  east  branch  of  the  Rocky 
river,  either  in  the  present  township  of  Hinckley  in  Medina 
county  or  in  the  adjoining  township  of  Royalton  in  Cuyahoga. 
Bear,  deer  and  wolves  were  very  abundant  in  this  region  so  late 
as  the  year  1818. — Northrop' s  Hist,  of  Medina  Co.,  p.  no,  etc. 

Sunyendeand — page  44. 

Sir  William  Johnson,  on  his  way  home  from  Detroit  in  Sep 
tember,  1761,  crossed  the  Portage  from  the  mouth  of  the  river 
at  the  site  of  the  present  town  of  Port  Clinton.  He  then  went 
down  the  Bay  to  "the  encampment"  "where  the  block-house 


Illustrative  Notes.  171 


is  to  be  built,"  about  the  location  of  Venice,  three  miles  west 
of  Sandusky  City.  He  mentions  a  Wyandot  town  as  "almost 
opposite  the  Carrying-place,"  and  "  another  village  of  Hurons 
about  three  miles  distant"  from  the  place  of  encampment. — 
Diary  of  Sir  W?n.  "Johns on ,  Appendix  to  Stone's  Life  and  Times,  vol. 
//,  p.  466. 

Smith's  description  of  the  locality  of  this  town  "can  only 
apply  to  Pipe  creek,  and  the  big  fields  lying  south-east  of  and 
about  a  mile  and  a  half  from  the  present  town  of  Sandusky." 
—Address  of  Hon.  J.  M.  Root,  Sept.  1862;  Fire  Lands  Pioneer, 
vol.  iv,  p.  22.  "  Junqueindundeh "  is  the  name  given  to  an 
Indian  village  near  the  mouth  of  the  Sandusky  river,  on  Hutch- 
ins'  Map  in  the  account  of  Bouquet's  Expedition  in  1764;  on 
Evans'  Map  of  1755  a  Wyandot  town  is  placed  at  the  foot  of 
Sandusky  bay  on  the  south  side;  this  it  is  very  probable  was 
"  Sunyendeand." 

The  Lake — note  to  p.  44. 

The  color  of  the  water  is  also  noticed  by  the  German  Prince 
Maximilian  of  Wied  in  his  book  of  travels  in  North  America 
in  1833,  p.  490.  "Lake  Erie.  The  splendid  bluish-green 
waters  of  which,  like  all  the  great  Canadian  lakes,  are  exactly  of 
the  same  color  as  those  of  Switzerland." 

Arthur  Campbell — page  49. 

Colonel  Arthur  Campbell  of  Washington  county  in  South 
western  Virginia.  He  escaped  from  the  Indians  about  three  years 
after  meeting  with  Smith,  and  returned  by  way  of  Fort  Pitt  to 
Virginia,  where  he  afterward  became  distinguished  in  civil  and 
military  life,  particularly  as  commander  in  a  successful  expedition 


172  Appendix. 


against  the  Cherokees  in  1781.  He  was  a  delegate  from  Fin- 
castle  county  to  the  Virginia  Revolutionary  Convention  of  1776. 
The  Royal  Oak  ford  of  the  Holston  river  is  in  the  present 
county  of  Smythe  about  three  miles  east  of  the  town  of  Marion. 
Colonel  Campbell  removed  to  Knox  county,  Kentucky,  where  he 
died  in  1816  in  the  74th  year  of  his  age. — Howes  Virginia,  p. 
503;  Mooris  Diary  of  the  Revolution,  vol.  ii,  p.  372  ;  Campbell's 
History  of  Virginia,  p.  690  ;  Bishop  Meade's  Virginia,  vol.  i,  p. 

J53- 

fhe  Caghnawagas — pages  52  and  105. 

An  ancient  tribe  of  the  Mohawks  in  the  interest  of  the  French, 
who  early  in  the  last  century  induced  them  to  remove  from 
New  York,  and  settle  at  the  rapids  of  St.  Louis  near  Montreal. 
— Doc.  Hist,  of  New  York,  vol.  i,  p.  27  ;  Golden' 's  Hist,  of  the 
Five  Nations,  vol.  ii,  p.  12  J  ;  New  York  Col.  Hist.,  vol.  vii,  p.  15  ; 
Hist.  Mag.,  vol.  x,  p.  321.  Called  the  Praying  Indians. — New 
York  Col.  Hist.,  vol.  v,  pp.  728,  753. 

Cuyahoga — -'page  56. 

Ka-ih-ogh-ha.  River,  in  the  Mohawk  tongue.— Vocab.  in 
Am.  Abor.  Arch.,  vol.  Hi. 

Carrying -place — page  56. 

The  old  Indian  Portage  Path  between  the  Tuscarawas  branch 
of  the  Muskingum  river,  and  the  Cuyahoga,  in  Portage  and 
Coventry  townships  in  the  present  county  of  Summit.  It  was 
about  eight  miles  in  length.  On  the  Maps  of  Evans  and 
Hutchins  it  is  laid  down  "  I  mile  Portage." 


Illustrative  Notes. 


173 


Rapids — page  57. 

The  falls  of  the  Cuyahoga  river  in  Summit  county  four  miles 
north-east  of  Akron.  The  descent  is  about  200  feet  in  2j  miles. 

Little  Lake — page  57. 

One  of  the  numerous  Beaver  Ponds  on  the  head  waters  of 
the  Mahoning — no  doubt  much  diminished  in  extent  since  the 
clearing  of  the  forest,  and  the  drainage  of  the  land.  It  may  be 
found  however  in  the  southern  part  of  Mahoning  county. 

Johnson  s  Mohawks — page  69. 

Sir  William  Johnson,  Superintendent  of  the  affairs  of  the  Six 
Nations,  and  other  Northern  Indians.  The  Mohawks  adopted 
him  as  a  member  of  their  nation,  with  the  rank  of  war  chief,  in 
1746.  He  resided  near  the  Mohawk  villages  at  Johnstown,  now 
in  Fulton  county,  New  York. — Stone's  Life  of  Sir  U^m.  Johnson, 
vol.  i,p.  209. 

Great  River — page  79. 
The  Ottawa. 

Falls  of  Sandusky — page  84. 

Rapids  at  Fremont,  Sandusky  county,  Ohio. 

Prairies — page  85. 

Formerly  known  as  the  Sandusky  plains ;  now  within  the 
counties  of  Crawford,  Wyandot,  Marion,  and  Hardin. — Kil- 
bourne's  Ohio  Gazetteer ;  Hough  and  Eournis  large  Map  of  Ohio. 
1816  ;  Map  in  the  first  vol.  of  the  Transactions  of  the  dm.  Antiq. 
Society. 


174  Appendix. 


Portage — page  86. 

By  the  Sandusky,  Sciota,  and  Ohio  rivers  lay  the  route  of  the 
Indians  of  Detroit  and  Lake  Huron  when  going  to  war  with  the 
Catawbas  and  other  southern  tribes.  "  They  ascend  the  Sandus- 
quet  river  two  or  three  days,  after  which  they  make  a  small 
portage,  a  fine  road  of  about  a  quarter  of  a  league.  Some  make 
canoes  of  elm  bark,  and  float  down  a  small  river  [the  Sciota] 
that  empties  into  the  Ohio." — Memoir  of  Vaudreuil,  Governor  of 
Canada,  to  the  Council  of  Marine,  from  Quebec,  October  30,  1718, 
Paris  Documents,  New  York  Col.  Hist.,  vol.  ix,  p.  868  ;  Pow- 
nalfs  Top.  Disc,  of  North  America,  p.  42,  and  ?nap.  "  Through 
these  rivers  lies  the  most  common  pass  from  Canada  to  the  Ohio 
and  Mississippi." — Morse's  Am.  Gazetteer  of  1798,  p.  497  ;  Kil- 
bourne's  Ohio  Gazetteer  for  1817,  p.  60 ;  Carey's  Atlas  for  1812 
This  once  important  portage  extended  from  the  site  of  Garrett's 
Mill,  near  the  village  of  Wyandot,  on  the  Sandusky  river,  in 
Wyandot  county;  thence  south,  about  four  miles  on  a  ridge, 
through  part  of  Dallas  township  in  Crawford  county,  to  the  north 
branch  of  the  Little  Sciota  near  Swinnerton,  on  the  Old  Fort 
Ball  and  Columbus  road  in  Grand  Prairie  township,  Marion 
county.  The  length  of  the  portage  varied  according  to  the 
stage  of  water.  It  was  known  as  the  u  Four  Mile  Cross."  In 
high  water  the  north  branch  of  the  Little  Sciota  could  be  navi 
gated  by  canoes  to  a  point  about  a  mile  distant  from  Garrett's 
Mill,  on  the  Sandusky.  A  cut  has  been  made  through  the  ridge 
about  half  a  mile  east  from  the  village  of  Wyandot,  by  which 
the  waters  of  both  streams  are  united.  \_Notes  to  the  writer  from 
S.  R.  Harris,  Esq.,  of  Bucyrus,  and  Wm.  Brown,  Esq.,  of  Spring 
field.']  Mr.  Brown  settled  near  Wyandot  in  1826,  and  surveyed 
the  Wyandot  Indian  Reservation  for  the  U.  S.  Government. 


Illustrative  Notes.  175 


The  Ollentangy — pages  87  and  99. 

By  a  law  of  the  Legislature  of  Ohio,  passed  in  1833,  "to 
restore  the  Indian  names  to  certain  streams" — this  name  is 
incorrectly  given  to  the  Whetstone,  the  eastern  affluent  of  the 
Sciota,  the  Delaware  Indian  name  of  which  was  Keenhong-she- 
con-sepung,  or  Whetstone  creek,  in  English. — John  Brickeirs 
Narrative  In  American  Pioneer,  vol.  i,  />.  55.  Brickell  had  been 
a  prisoner  with  the  Delawares,  in  Ohio,  for  over  four  years. 
He  spoke  their  language  as  well  as  his  own.  He  resided  in 
Columbus  from  1797  until  his  death  in  July,  1844.  The 
narrative  is  reprinted  in  Martin's  History  of  Franklin  County 
(Columbus,  1858),  omitting  the  part  relative  to  the  Whet 
stone.  Big  Darby  creek,  which  rises  in  Logan  county  and 
flowing  south-east  empties  into  the  west  side  of  the  Sciota  in 
Pickaway  county,  opposite  Circleville,  is  the  real  Ollentangy; 
this  is  clearly  evident  from  Smith's  description  of  his  route  from 
the  Sandusky  portage  to  that  stream,  and  of  the  country  between 
it  and  the  waters  of  the  Miami  (or  Mad  river). 

The  u  very  large  Prairie"  is  now  embraced  within  the 
counties  of  Madison,  Clarke,  Champaign,  Fayette,  Pickaway, 
and  Greene,  between  Darby  creek  and  Mad  river. — See  Hough 
and  Bourne's  large  Map  of  Ohio,  published  in  1816;  also  Kil- 
bourne  and  Bourne's  Map,  of  1820,  in  Arch.  Amer.,  vol.  i; 
Kilbourne's  Gazetteer  of  Ohio,  for  1819,  p.  61. 

Little  Lake — pages  50,  100,  etc. 

Sandusky  bay.  It  is  about  twenty  miles  long  and  from  one 
to  four  miles  wide.  It  was  formerly  "termed  by  the  inhabit 
ants  the  Little  Lake." — Brown's  Views  on  Lake  Erie,  1814,  p.  73. 

Sa-undustee,     water,    in     the    Wyandot    tongue. —  Gallatirfs 


ij6  Appendix. 


Synopsis  and  Vocab.  in  vol.  it.  of  the  Trans,  of  the  Am.  Antiq.  Soc.,  p. 
332  ;  see  also  vol.  i,  p.  295.  By  changing  the  pronunciation  the 
meaning  of  this  and  other  words  in  the  Wyandot  language, 
expressing  proper  names,  varied.  Sah-un-dus-kee,  clear  water. 
Sa-anduste,  or  water  within  water  pools. — John  Johnston,  in 
Trans.  Am.  Antlq.  Soc.,  vol.  i,  p.  297  ;  J.  M.  Roots'  Address ; 
Fire  Lands  Pioneer,  vol.  iv,  for  June,  1863,  p.  21.  The  latter 
signification  is  peculiarly  applicable  to  Sandusky  bay  and  the 
extensive  marshes  on  its  borders,  which  are  intersected  in  many 
directions  by  pools  and  channels  of  open  water. 

Colonel  Grant — pages  102—3. 

Grant's  defeat  and  capture  took  place  on  the  I4th  day  of 
September,  1758.  He  was  a  Major  General  in  the  British 
service  during  the  American  Revolution.  He  was  promoted  to 
the  rank  of  Lieutenant  General  in  1782,  and  General  in  1796, 
and  died  "  very  old,"  at  his  seat  at  Ballendallock,  near  Elgin  in 
Scotland,  about  the  I3th  of  May,  1806. — Biog.  Sketch  in  N.  T. 
Col.  Hist.,  vol.  x,  p.  903.  The  court  house  in  Pittsburg,  front 
ing  on  Grant  street,  stands  near  the  western  extremity  of  the 
once  beautiful  eminence  called  "Grant's  Hill,"  which  long  since 
has  been  graded  and  covered  with  buildings. 

Susquehannab  Campaign — page  107. 

In  September  and  October,  1763,  the  Indian  villages  destroyed 
stood  on  the  Great  Island  and  on  the  banks  of  the  Susquehannah 
river,  in  the  present  counties  of  Clinton  and  Lycoming. — Gor 
don's  Hist,  of  Penn.,  p.  399;  Sculls'  Map,  1770;  Howells'  Map, 
1792. 


Illustrative  Notes.  177 


Gen.  Bouquet's  Campaign — pages  107-8. 

The  hostages  were  fourteen  in  number  ;  two  Mingoes,  six 
Delawares,  and  six  Shawnees.  Only  the  latter  escaped  on  the 
way  to  Fort  Pitt.  The  others  being  unconfined  afterward  dis 
appeared,  excepting  three.  The  prisoners  held  by  the  Shaw 
nees  were  collected  during  the  winter  and  brought  to  Fort 
Pitt  (in  May,  1765),  where  five  hundred  and  seventy-one  chiefs 
and  warriors  (besides  women  and  children,)  assembled  and  held 
a  friendly  conference  with  Major  Murray  and  the  officers  of  the 
garrison.  The  treaty  made  with  Gen.  Bouquet  the  preceding 
November  at  the  Muskingum  was  formally  ratified.  One  hun 
dred  and  nineteen  Shawnee  warriors  were  present. —  "Journal  of 
George  Croghan,  in  Col.  Rec.,  vol.  ix,  p.  250  to  264  ;  Hist.  Account 
of  Bouquet's  Expedition,  p.  88  ;  Id.  p.  239. 

Katepacomen  (or  Simon  Girty),  was  one  of  the  Delaware 
hostages. —  Col.  Rec.  vol.  ix,  p.  228.  It  appears  that  upon  one 
occasion,  during  the  campaign,  the  Shawnees  selected  James 
Smith  to  represent  them. — "Journal  of  Gen.  Bouquet,  Col.  Rec.,  vol. 
ix,  p.  219. 

In  1764  Colonel  Bouquet  erected  a  brick  redoubt  as  an 
addition  to  Fort  Pitt.  It  is  yet  standing,  and  used  for  a  dwelling 
house.  The  stone  tablet  in  the  wall,  bearing  the  inscription, 
Coll.  Bouquet,  A.  D.  1764,  has  been  removed  recently  and 
placed  in  the  wall  of  the  new  city  hall.  This  redoubt  is  the 
only  relic  of  British  dominion  in  the  Ohio  valley. 

The  governor  and  council  of  Pennsylvania,  uncertain  of  the 
consequences  of  the  escape  of  the  Shawnee  hostages,  deferred 
proclaiming  the  Indian  trade  opened  according  to  the  royal  proc 
lamation  of  October  7th,  1763,  until  notified  by  Sir  William 
Johnson  that  a  general  peace  had  been  concluded  with  the 

23 


1 7  8  Appendix. 


Western  Indians. — Proceed,  of  Council,  Jan.  21,  1765  ;  Col.Rec., 
vol.  ix,  p.  239.  At  the  conferences  at  the  Muskingum  and  Fort 
Pitt  the  Indians  expressed  their  anxiety  for  the  beginning  of 
trade,  and  were  displeased  when  it  was  refused. — Id.  pp.  261, 
250,  251.  General  Gage  was  anxious  to  have  the  trade  com 
mence,  fearing  the  Indians  would  again  resort  to  the  French. — 
Letters  to  Gov.  Penn,  id.  p.  266,  268.  Governor  Penn's  procla 
mation  declaring  the  Indian  trade  opened  to  licensed  traders  was 
issued  on  June  4,  1765. 

The  Conococheague  settlement,  now  Franklin  county,  Penn 
sylvania,  being  on  the  extreme  frontier,  suffered  repeatedly  all 
the  horrors  of  Indian  warfare.  The  settlers  were  Scots-Irish 
Presbyterians,  who  "  though  neglected  by  the  royal  and  provin 
cial  governments  throughout  all  the  Indian  wars  sustained  nearly 
the  whole  burden  of  defending  the  frontier." — Gordon's  Hist,  of 
Penn.,  p.  624  ;  Rupp's  Hist,  of  Franklin  Co.,  p.  486  ;  Chambers9 
Tribute  to  the  Scots- Irish,  Letters,  p.  88  ;  Parkmans  Pontiac,  chap, 
xxiv.  "  Declaration  and  remonstrance  of  the  distressed  and 
bleeding  frontier  inhabitants  of  the  province  of  Pennsylvania." — 
Pamphlet,  Feb.  13,  1764.  '•  Two  hundred  miles  of  an  extended 
frontier  all  so  exposed  to  the  incursions  of  the  Indians,  that  no 
man  can  go  to  sleep  within  ten  or  fifteen  miles  of  the  border 
without  danger  of  having  his  house  burned  and  himself  and 
family  scalped  or  led  into  captivity  before  the  next  morning." — 
Letter  in  Gordon's  Penn.,  p.  624. 

The  policy  of  the  governor  and  the  commander-in-chief, 
Gage,  was  not  understood  or  appreciated  by  the  people  of  the 
frontier,  and  they  determined  on  their  only  preventive  course. 
Their  leader  was  James  Smith,  who  (says  Chambers,  Tribute,  p. 
82)  was  "  a  man  of  resolution,  of  indomitable  courage,  and 


Illustrative  Notes.  179 


inflexible  from  any  purpose  which  he  deemed  necessary  for  the 
safety  of  the  inhabitants." 

His  family  were  prominent  in  the  county  from  its  earliest 
settlement.  u  Smith's,"  now  Mercersburg,  "  was  in  early  days 
an  important  place  for  trade  with  the  Indians  and  settlers  on  the 
Western  frontier." — Rupp's  Hist,  of  Franklin  Co.,  p.  4.75. 

The  traders'  goods  were  destroyed,  as  related  in  the  narrative 
and  in  a  letter  from  Colonel  Reid  commanding  the  district  of 
Fort  Pitt. —  Col.  Rec.,  vol.  ix,  p.  269. 

The  convoy  was  in  charge  of  Captain  Robert  Callender,  an 
old  trader.  It  consisted  of  eighty-one  horse  loads,  sixty-three 
of  which  were  destroyed. 

The  affair  caused  a  great  sensation  throughout  the  province. 
The  goods,  valued  at  £3,000,  belonged  to  Baynton,  Wharton 
and  Morgan,  who  alleged  they  were  destined  for  the  Illinois 
and  to  be  stored  at  Fort  Pitt. — Sse  Letters  of  Sir.  Wrn.  'Johnson 
to  G'JV.  Penn,  Penn.  Arch.,  v)l.  iv,pp.  2 1 6,  226. 

He  "greatly  disapproved''  of  the  course  of  the  traders  in  for 
warding  their  goods  before  the  trade  was  opened. 

General  Gage  was  likewise  u  of  the  opinion  "  that  "  the  traders 
had  hopes  of  getting  first  to  market  by  stealing  up  their  goods 
before  the  trade  was  legally  permitted." — Penn.  Arch.,  vol.  iv,  p. 
215.  During  this  summer  traders'  goods  were  not  allowed  to 
go  forward  without  a  pass  from  William  or  James  Smith.  The 
followiug  is  a  copy  of  one  from  Penn.  Arch.,  vol.  iv,  p.  220  : 

"  As  the  Sidling  hill  volunteers  have  already  inspected  these  goods, 
and  as  they  are  all  private  property,  it  is  expected  that  none  of  these 
brave  fellows  will  molest  them  upon  the  road,  as  there  is  no  Indian 
supplies  amongst  them.  Given  under  my  hand,  May  15,  1765. 

"  (Signed)  JAS.  SMITH," 


1 80  Appendix. 


The  governor  by  the  advice  of  the  council,  on  Jan.  15, 
1766,  removed  William  Smith  from  the  magistracy,  and  directed 
the  chief  justice  to  issue  a  writ  for  the  apprehension  of  James, 
— Letter  of  Gov.  Penn  to  Gen.  Gage,  Co!.  Rec.,  vol.  ix,  pp.  293, 
297;  Rupp's  Hist,  of  Bedford  Co.,  p.  510.  It  does  not  appear 
that  any  attempt  was  ever  made  to  execute  the  writ,  although  it 
was  issued  to  the  sheriff"  of  Cumberland  county. 

Sideling  Hill — page  109. 

A  low  ridge  of  the  Allegheny  mountains  in  Fulton  county 
The  foot  of  the  hill  is  about  sixteen  miles  east  of  the  town 
of  Bedford.  The  road  across  it,  seven  miles  in  length,  is  well 
remembered  by  travellers  as  tedious,  and  often  dangerous. 

Affairs  at  Fort  London — page  1 1  o. 

Lieutenant  Charles  Grant  of  the  42d  Highland  regiment  com 
manded  at  Fort  Loudon.  The  following  characteristic  letter 
was  sent  to  him  by  Smith  : 

Smith's  Run,  June  19,  1765. 

Sir :  The  arms  that  are  detained  in  Loudon  you  may  keep  them^ 
keep  them,  keep  them  /  /  am,  etc., 

JAMES  SMITH. 
— Arch.,  vol.  iv,  p.  229. 

In  November,  Lieutenant  Grant  having  taken  more  arms 
from  the  country  people,  and  being  ordered  to  Fort  Pitt  to 
compel  a  surrender  of  the  guns,  rthe  riflemen  headed  by  Smith 
besieged  Fort  Loudon  for  two  days  and  nights,  so  closely, 
that  no  one  was  permitted  to  go  in  or  out  of  it.  Firing 
was  kept  up  "  upon  all  corners  of  the  fort,  so  that  the 
centrys  could  not  stand  upright  on  the  bastions."  No  one 
was  hurt  on  either  side.  On  the  loth  of  November  the  guns 


Illustrative  Notes.  181 


were  surrendered  to  the  custody  of  Wm.  McDowell  "  until  the 
governor's  pleasure  respecting  them  should  be  known."  The 
arms  were  u  five  rifles  and  four  smooth  bored  guns.'' — Letters 
and  Depos.  of  Lt.  Ckas.  Grant  and  others  ;  Penn.  Arch.,  vol.  ry, 
pp.  2  20  to  248. 

Peace  with  the  Indians' — page  113. 

Sir  William  Johnston  made  peace  with  the  Ohio  Indians, 
Mingoes,  Shawnees,  and  Delawares,  at  Johnston  Hall,  July 
13,  1765. — New  Tork  Col.  Hist.,  vol.  vii,  p.  754. 

Tennessee — page  1 1 4. 

This  exploration  by  Colonel  Smith  and  his  companions  was, 
with  the  single  exception  of  that  of  Henry  Scaggins,  a  hunter,  the 
first  ever  made  of  the  country  west  of  the  Cumberland  mountains 
in  Tennessee  by  any  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  race. — Ramsay's  Annals 
of  Tenn.,p.  70  ;  Haywood's  Civil  Hist,  of  Tenn.,  p.  77. 

Fort  C hiss  el — page  1 1 8 . 

Fort  Chiswell  was  built  by  Colonel  Byrd  and  his  regiment  from 
Virginia  in  1758  ;  he  stationed  a  garrison  in  it. — Haywood,  p. 
28.  It  stood  about  nine  miles  east  of  the  present  town  of 
Wytheville  in  Wythc  county. — Howes  Virginia,  p.  514,  515; 
Madison  s  Map  of  Virg. ;  see  Table  of  Distances  in  Poulsons  Am. 
Almanac  for  1789. 

Indians  and  Traders — page  119. 

Letters  in  the  Pennsylvania  Gazette,  from  Fort  Pitt,  dated 
July  26  and  28,  1769,  mention  the  great  probability  of  another 
war;  "the  Indians  are  so  insolent,  robbing  houses,  stealing 


1 8  2  Appendix. 


horses,  and  threatening  the  inhabitants/' — Penn.    Gaz.  for  Aug. 
17,  1769;  Id.  Aug.  31,  1769;  Id.  Oct.  5,  1769. 

traders  goods  destroyed — page  119. 

Captain  Robert  Callender  was  the  principal  sufferer  by  the 
destruction  of  traders'  goods  at  the  crossings  of  the  Juniata  in 
Bedford  county  in  August,  1769.  He  afterward  applied  to  the 
legislature  for  relief,  stating  his  losses  at  near  =£600. — 'Petition^ 
March,  6,  1775  ;  Assembly  ^Journals,  p.  575. 

Affray  near  Bedford — pages  121  to  130. 

Smith  was  committed  to  the  jail  in  Carlisle  on  the  22d  of 
September,  1769,  charged  with  shooting  John  Johnston  on  the 
2oth  of  the  same  month.  A  large  body  of  armed  men  assembled 
to  rescue  him  fearing  (they  said)  he  would  be  taken  to  Phila 
delphia  for  trial.  Col.  John  Armstrong,  the  Rev.  John  Steel, 
and  other  leading  citizens,  endeavored  to  dissuade  them  from 
their  purpose,  while  the  magistrates  assisted  the  sheriff  in  raising 
a  guard  to  defend  the  jail.  Smith  sent  his  intended  rescuers  u  a 
candid  letter  declaring  his  desire  to  have  a  trial  by  the  laws  of 
his  country,  begging  them  to  return  home,"  etc.  They  did  not 
desist,  however,  until  from  the  windows  of  the  prison  he 
"  begged  them  in  a  solemn  manner  to  return,  and  to  shed  no 
innocent  blood  ;"  this,  with  assurances  that  the  prisoner  should 
be  tried  in  the  county  and  not  elsewhere,  turned  them  reluc 
tantly  from  their  design. — Letter  from  Carlisle,  Sept.  24,  1769, 
in  the  Penn.  Gazette  for  Oct.  5. 


Illustrative  Notes.  183 


Commissioner  of  Bedford  and  Westmoreland  Counties — page 
130. 

Colonel  Smith  had  removed  to  his  land  on  Jacob's  creek,  a 
branch  of  the  Youghiogheny,  then  in  Bedford  county,  which 
was  erected  in  1771,  and  included  all  of  the  Western  part 
of  the  province.  From  Bedford,  Westmoreland  county  was 
formed  in  1773  ;  it  embraced  within  its  limits  all  of  the  province 
west  of  the  Laurel  Hill.  This  territory  was  claimed  by  Vir 
ginia,  whose  jurisdiction  over  it  the  governor,  Lord  Dunmore, 
attempted  bv  violent  measures  to  enforce.  Fort  Pitt  was  seized 
by  a  band  of  armed  partizans,  headed  by  Captain  John  Connolly, 
and  its  name  changed  to  Fort  Dunmore.  New  counties  were 
formed  from  which  delegates  were  sent  to  the  Virginia  legis 
lature.  Justices  and  other  civil  officers  were  commissioned  by 
the  authorities  of  Virginia.  Court-houses  were  erected  and 
Virginia  courts  reguhrly  held  within  the  limits  of  the  present 
counties  of  Allegheny  and  Washington  in  Pennsylvania.  The 
people  were  divided  in  their  allegiance  ;  arrests,  counter-arrests,, 
and  other  violent  acts,  frequently  occurred  during  this  seven 
years'  contest.  The  breaking  out  of  the  Revolutionary  war  in 
1775  and  a  recommendation  by  Congress  on  the  subject  abated 
the  civil  strife.  The  controversy  ended  in  1780  by  mutual 
agreement  between  the  two  states,  Virginia  yielding  her  claims 
to  the  disputed  territory.  The  completion  of  Mason  and 
Dixon's  line  in  1784,  permanently  settled  the  boundary. — Penn. 
Arch.,  vol.  iv,  pp.  435  to  633  ;  Penn.  Col.  Rec.,  vol.  A-,  pp.  140 
to  240  ;  Hist,  of  Mason  and  Dixon's  line,  by  "James  Veech,  Pittsburg^ 
1857-,  Report  of  the  Surveyor  General  for  1865,  Harrisburg, 
1866. 

For  three  years  of  these  turbulent  times  James  Smith  was 


184  Appendix. 


one  of  the  commissioners  of  Westmoreland  county  ;  Governor 
John  Penn  doubtless  was  glad  to  have  an  adherent  of  his  ability 
and  energetic  character,  and  quite  willingly  overlooked  past 
differences.  On  the  8th  of  April,  1774,  Joseph  Beeler  and 
James  Smith,  commissioners,  addressed  a  communication  to  the 
governor  stating  "their  disagreeable  situation  owing  to  the  pre 
sent  disturbances,"  and  that  "  the  greater  part  of  the  people  in 
the  back  parts  of  the  county  absolutely  refuse  to  pay  their  taxes 
or  serve  in  the  office  of  collector. "  They  further  allude  to  the 
"  disturbances  of  the  court  by  a  number  of  armed  men,"  and 
ask  "his  honor's  advice  and  assistance,"  assuring  him  "  that 
every  step  shall  be  taken  in  their  power  for  the  benefit  and 
advantage  of  the  province." — Penn.  Arch.,  vol.  iv,  p.  487. 

In  February,  1775,  Smith  was  arrested  and  "bound  over  to 
answer  the  court  of  Virginia,  before  Dorsey  Pentecost,  one  of 
their  justices,"  who  also  issued  "precepts"  for  the  arrest  of  the 
sheriff  and  other  Pennsylvania  officers,  saying  "  theyr  were 
imposters  on  the  government  and  dominion  of  Virginia,  and  he 
would  have  them  confined." — Deposition  of  "James  Smith-,  Arch., 
vol.  iv,  p.  6 10  ;  Col.  Rec.,  vol.  x,  p.  235. 

Another  Indian  War,  1774 — page  130. 

This  was  known  as  Dunmore's  war.  It  ended  with  the 
defeat  of  the  Indians  at  Point  Pleasant,  October  10,  1774. 

Indians  Attack — pages  134,  135. 

The  date  of  the  year  in  the  narrative  is  erroneous,  it  should 
be  1777.  "I  have  sent  five  Indian  scalps  taken  by  one  of  our 
scouting  party,  commanded  by  Colonel  Barr,  Colonel  Perry, 


Illustrative  Notes.  1 8  5 


Colonel  Smith,  and  Captain  Hinkston,  being  volunteers  in  the 
action.  The  action  happened  near  Kittaning,  they  retook  six 
horses  the  savages  had  taken  from  the  suffering  frontiers." — 
Extract  of  Letter  from  Arch.  Locbry  to  President  If/ hart  on,  dated  at 
ct  Westmoreland,  ye  6th  December"  1/77;  Penn.  Arch.,  vol.  vi, 
p.  69. 

French  Creek  Expedition — page  135. 

MINUTES  OF  THE  SUPREME  EXECUTIVE  COUNCIL, 
Philadelphia,  March  20,  1786. 

Comptroller  General's  reports  upon  the  following  accounts 
read  and  approved,  viz  :  Of  Captain  John  Woods  for  pay  of 
his  company  of  Westmoreland  county  militia,  commanded  by 
Colonel  Smith  under  orders  from  General  Mclntosh,  and  for 
arms  lost  on  the  expedition. 

Of  Captain  John  Kyle,  for  pay  of  his  company  employed 
on  the  said  expedition. 

Of  Colonel  James  Smith,  for  pay  of  the  militia  of  West 
moreland  county,  under  his  command,  employed  on  the  French 
creek  expedition  in  1778. — Col.  Rec.,  vol.  xlv,  p.  662. 

General  Mclntosh — page  135. 

Brigadier  General  Lachlan  Mclntosh  of  the  Continental  army 
succeeded  General  Hand  in  command  of  the  Western  district  ; 
(head  quarters  at  Fort  Pitt)  in  May,  1778.  In  October  follow 
ing  he  built  Fort  Mclntosh,  "  upon  the  Indian  side  of  the  Ohio 
river"  (where  the  town  of  Beaver  now  stands),  and  in  November 
and  December  erected  Fort  Laurens  on  the  west  bank  of  the 
Tuscarawas  river,  half  a  mile  below  the  present  town  of 
24 


Appendix. 


Bolivar,  Tuscarawas  county,  Ohio.— /W.  jfrcb.,  vol.  vi,  pp. 
467,  564,  646;  vol.  vii,  p.  132;  /</.  W.  .v/V,  pp.  382,  400; 
Herring's  Nat.  Port.  Gall,  vol.  Hi;  Howe's  Ohio  Hist.  Col.,  />. 


FINIS. 


INDEX. 


Adams,  George,  1 1 8. 
Appalachian  Mountains,  113- 
Armstrong,  General  John,  107,  154,  159, 
166,  182. 

Baker,  William,  113. 

Barr,  Colonel,  184. 

Bear,  33. 

Beaver.    Transformation,  57  5   habits,  59. 

Bedford,  affray  near,  121,  182. 

Big  Beaver  River,  56. 

Big  Darby  Creek,  175. 

Black   boys,  1 19,  179. 

Black  River,  169. 

Boundary.      Va.  and  Penn.  183. 

Bouquet,  General.      Expedition  into  Ohio, 

I07>  151,  1K>  177- 
Bourbon  County,  Ky.  138. 
Braddock,   General.      Indians    prepare  to 

attack,  ii;   return  with  prisoners,  125 

defeat,  151,  154,  155. 
Braddock's  Road,  5,  163. 
Bradstreet,  General,  153,  155. 
Buffalo,  21. 
Buffalo  Lick,  21,  168. 
Burd,  Colonel  James,  164. 
Burgoyne,  General.      Defeat,  156. 

Caldwell,  Rev.  James,  vii. 
Callender,  Captain  Robert,  179,  182. 
Campbell,  Colonel  Arthur,  49,  171. 
Campbell,  George.     Song,  ill. 
Canesadooharie    River,   25,    38,    40,   56, 

169. 

Carlisle,  122. 
Caughnewaga,  105. 

Cuyahoga  River,  43,  56,  7i,?3»75»  17*- 
Cherokee  River,  113. 
Chillicothe.     "  Upper  "  and  "  Old,"  1 68. 
Clark,  General  G.  R.  155. 
Connolly,  Captain  John,  183. 
Conococheague,    5,    105,   108,   119,  178. 
Crawford,  Colonel,  151,  155. 
Croghan,  George,  164,  1 68. 


Cumberland  River,  114. 

Deny,  William,  126. 
Detroit,  49,  75,  79,  102,  105. 
Duffield,  William,  108,  134. 
Dunmore,  Lord,  155,    167,  183,  184. 

Edwards,  Colonel,  155. 
Elk,  21. 

Elliott,  Robert,  134. 
Elliott.  S.  B.  xii. 

Forbes,  General,  102,  154. 

Fort  Bedford,  119,  122. 

Fort  Chissel,  118,  181. 

Fort  Dunmore,  183. 

Fort  Du  Quesne,  7,  8,  102,  104,  164. 

Fort  Laurens,  185. 

Fort  Loudon,  5,  105,  no,  151,  163,  180. 

Fort  Mclntosh,    185. 

Fort  Pitt,  136,  151,    177,  183. 

Fox,  38. 

French  Creek,  135,  137,  185. 

Gage,  General,  178. 

Garrett's  Mill,  174. 

Geese,  57,  83. 

George,  Robert,  126. 

Girty,  Simon,  177. 

Gist,  Christopher,  168. 

Grant,  Captain  Charles,  no,  180. 

Grant,  Colonel,  102,  151,  176. 

Great  River,  79,  173. 

Hamilton,  Governor,  168. 

Handy,  William,  vii. 

Harmar,  General,    152,  155. 

Henry,  Patrick,  167. 

Hinkston,  Captain  John,  135,  185. 

Hoge,  Jonathan,  134. 

Hogg,  Captain,  165. 

Holmes,  John,  125. 

Holstein  River,  113. 

Hoops,  Adam,  164. 


Index. 


Horses,  wild,  41. 
Horton,  Joshua,  113. 
Howell,  Jacob  S.  133- 

Indian  Customs :  running  the  gauntlet, 
8  ;  adoption  of  whites,  14,  167  ;  war 
dance,  18  ;  courting  dance,  19;  songs, 
19;  food,  26,  38,  51,  139;  canoes, 
27  ;  preparing  skins,  295  winter  cabins, 
29;  bear  hunting,  335  sugar  making, 
37,  69  ;  trapping  raccoons,  37  ;  fox,  38  ; 
hospitality,  43,  1405  squaws  at  work, 
45;  games,  46,77;  religion,  52,  98; 
tents,  53  ;  transformation  of  animals, 
57,  82;  speeches,  65,  90,  97;  snow- 
shoes,  67  ;  immodesty  of  Jibewa  girls, 
72;  swearing,  74;  intemperance,  76; 
sweat  house,  95;  prayer,  96;  fishing, 
100;  general  habits,  139;  titles,  139; 
courtship,  140;  traditions,  142  ;  police 
or  civil  government,  147  ;  marriage 
laws,  148;  penal  laws,  149;  discipline, 
150;  mode  of  war,  151,  l6l. 

Indian  Language  : 

Ashalecoa,  the  great  knife,  104. 
Cancheanta,  hominy,  26. 
Carreyagaroona,  inferior  deities,  145. 
Gookhosing,  habitation  of  owls,  1 66. 
KaiAogAAa,  river,  172. 
Maneto,  the  great  spirit,  143. 
Matchemancto,  the  evil  spirit,  143. 
Qhncnata  or,   Oghncanata,  potatoes,  26, 

170. 

Oonasa&roona,  the  evil  spirit,  75,  146. 
Oiranugo,  the  great  spirit,  75,  144. 
Saundustcet  water,  75. 
Skoharchaugo,  the  Dutch,  44. 
TuIAasagot  the  English,  81. 

Indian  Tribes : 
Canasataugas,  6. 
Catawbas,  22,168,  169. 
Caughnewagas,    13,   39,    52,   70,    142, 

i  46,  172. 

Delawares,  6,  10,  13,  146,  160,  166. 
Eries,  169. 
Iroquois,  168. 
Jibewas,  65,  78,  102. 
Mohawks,  69,  173. 
Mohicans,  13. 
Miamis,   168. 

Ottawas,  52,  65,  70,  78,  8 1,  85,  102, 
142. 


Pottowatamies,  78,  102. 

Shawanees,  146. 

Twightwees,  168. 

Wiandotts,   26,   39,  44,   78,   81,  102, 

142. 

Indian  Traders,  108. 
Indian  Town,  13,  1 66. 
Indians. 

Asallecoa  (Mohawk  Solomon),  17,  20, 

21. 

Chinnohete,  72. 

Jacobs,  Captain,  159. 

Manetehcoa,  68,  70. 

Maully,  52,  65. 

Nungamy,  87,  90,  105. 

Pipe,  Captain,  166. 

Tecaughretenego,    51,  57,  65,   80,  84, 

88,  94,  104,  144. 
Tecanyaterighto    (or    Pluggy),  17,  24, 

167. 
Tontileaugo,  24,   32,   35,   40,  51,  84, 

88. 

James,  a  mulatto  boy,  114. 

Jirk,  1 1 6. 

Johnson,  Sir  William,  113,  170, 177,  1 8 1. 

Johnston,  John,  125,  182. 

Juniata  River,  120. 

Kittaning  Villages,  1 66. 
Kyle,  Captain  John,  185. 

Lake  Erie,  24,  26,  43,  54,  75,  171. 

Licking  Summit,  168. 

Ligonier,  7,  166. 

Little  Lake,  50,  57,  100,  173,  175. 

Logan,  General,  155. 

Loughrie,  Colonel,  152,  155- 

Loyalhanna,  7. 

Lyle,  Joel    R.     Early   Kentucky  printer, 

x,  xi. 

Lyle,  Rev.  Joel  K.  xii. 
Lyon,  William,  134. 

McCay,  Robert,  164. 
McClane,  James,  134. 
McClelland's  Station,  Ky.  167. 
McComb,  William,  134. 
McCommon,  Major  James,  131. 
McCullough,  John,  165. 
McDowell,  William,   181. 
Mclntosh,  General  L.  135,  155,  185. 


Index. 


189 


McQuaid,  Miss  Sarah,  xii. 
Miami  of  the  Lakes,  75,  83,  175. 
Mohican  Creek,  166. 
Monkton,  General,  154. 
Montour,  Andrew,  168. 
Montreal,  79,  105. 
Morgan,  Colonel,  167. 
Morris,  Governor,  163. 
Morristown,  i  34. 
Murray,  Major,  177. 

Muskingum   River,  13,  25,  42,  56,  107, 
167,  172. 

Neville,  John,  167. 

North  Mountain,  106,  108. 

Ollentangy  Creek,  86,  87,  99,  175. 
Ottawa  River,  79,  173. 
Owl  Creek,  166. 

Parker,  Captain  William,  134. 

Patton,  Samuel,  134. 

Paxton,  Captain  Thomas,  134. 

Peebles,  Lieut.  Col.  Robert,  134. 

Pennsylvania  Gazette,  124. 

Pepper,  Lieut.  Col.  William,  134. 

Perry,  Colonel,   184. 

Piper,  Colonel  John,  134. 

Pluggystown,  168. 

Pollen,  Henry,  108. 

Portages,  170,  172,  174. 

Potomack.     Indian  inroad  on,  24. 

Prairies,  85,  173,  175. 

Presq'  Isle,  56. 

Proctor,  Colonel  John,  134. 

Quaker  government  of  Penn.  106. 

Raccoons,  27,  37,  57,  82. 
Roads.      Early  in  Penn.  5,  163. 
Robb,  David,  134. 
Rocky  River,  170. 
Rodgers,  Margaret,  vii. 
Rocgers,  Rev.  Dr.  vii. 

St.  Clair,  General  A.  152,  155. 

St.  Clair,  Sir  John,  163. 

St.  Lawrence  River,  79,  105. 

Salt  Lick,  21. 

Sandusky,  43,   84,   100,    105,   171,  173, 

i?4,  175- 
Savage,  John,  50. 

25 


Scaggins,  Henry,  18 1. 

Sciota  River,  21,  85,  99,  105,  174,  175. 

Shakers  in  Ohio.      Smith's  tracts  on,  x. 

Sideling  Hill,  109,  170,  180. 

SMITH,  COLONEL  JAMES.  Birth,  v  ;  cap 
ture,  vi,  6,  164;  first  marriage,  vi,  106; 
family,  vi  ;  second  marriage,  vii  ;  af 
fection  for  his  first  wife,  vii  ;  removal 
to  Kentucky,  viii  ;  character,  viii  j 
elected  tepresentative,  ix  ;  ordained,  ix  ; 
visit  to  Shakers,  ix ;  publishes  tracts 
against  them,  x ;  publishes  work  on 
Indian  warfare,  x;  death,  x;  taken 
prisoner  to  Fort  DuQuesne,  7  ;  runs  the 
gauntlet,  8  ;  witnesses  preparations  for 
the  attack  on  Braddock,  1 1  ;  and  arri 
val  of  the  prisoners,  12;  taken  toTul- 
lihas,  135  ceremony  of  adoption,  14- 
17;  hunts  with  the  Indians,  20;  is 
lost  and  reduced  to  bow  and  arrows, 
24;  starts  for  Lake  Erie  with  his  adopt 
ed  brother  Tontileago,  24 ;  reaches 
Canesadoharie,  26 ;  loses  his  books, 
28;  make  their  winter  cabin,  29; 
bear  hunting,  33  ;  sugar  making,  36; 
recovers  his  books,  39;  chase  after  hor 
ses,  41  ;  arrive  at  Sunyendeand,  44; 
meet  Arthur  Campbell,  49;  adopted  by 
Tecaughrctanego,  1 1  ;  at  Cuyahoga,  i6j 
to  Beaver  Creek,  17;  lost  again,  62; 
his  reception  on  his  return,  65  ;  alarm, 
69;  conjuring,  70;  back  to  Cuyahoga, 
71-75;  on  the  lake  to  Fort  Detroit, 
71  ;  a  big  drunk,  76;  return  to  Ohio, 
84;  winter  at  headwaters  of  Sandusky 
and  Scioto,  S6;  on  the  Ollentangy,  875 
starvation,  89;  tempted  to  escape,  92; 
returns,  93  ;  goes  to  Sunyendeand,  100; 
to  Detroit,  105  ;  to  Caughnewaga,  1055 
escapes  and  returns  home,  vi,  105  ;  ap 
pointed  Captain  of  Rangers,  IODJ  en 
sign  in  the  regular  service,  107;  joins 
Bouquet's  expedition  as  Lieutenant,  1075 
leader  of  the  Black  boys,  109  ;  releas 
es  prisoners  from  Fort  Loudon,  110; 
excursion  into  Tennessee,  113-19;  ad 
venture  as  leader  of  the  Black  boys,  119— 
22  ;  captured  and  imprisoned,  1 22  ;  trial 
and  release,  130;  commissioner,  130, 
183  ;  with  Washington's  army  in  New 
Jersey,  131;  recommendations,  132, 
134;  receives  Colonel's  commission, 


190 


Index. 


134$  expedition  to  French  Creek,  I35> 

185  ;   settles  in  Kentucky,  i  38. 
His  family.     Jonathan,  vi ;   W.lliam,  vi, 

viii ;    James,    vi,   viii,    ix ;   Robert,  vi, 

vii,    viii,  xi  j  Jane,  vi ;   Elizabeth,   vi ; 

Rebecca,  vi,  viii. 
Smith,  James,  113,  125. 
Smith,  Rev.  J.  M.  vii,  xii. 
Smith,  William,  Commissioner  of  Roads, 

5,  164;   letter  to  Pennsylvania  Gazette, 

124. 

Smith's  Road,  164. 
Snakes,  57,  82. 
Snow  Shoes,  67. 
South  Mountain,  106. 
Stanwick,  General,  154. 
Steele,  Rev.  John,  182. 
Stobo,  Captain,  166. 
Stone,  Uriah,  1 13. 
Stone  River,  Tennessee,  114. 
Sunyendeand,  44,  49,  100,  170. 
Susquehanna  Campaign,  107,  176. 

Tennessee  River,  114,  181. 
Thompson,  Anthony,  164. 


Thomson,  Mr.  a  pioneer,  100. 

Thomson,  William,  120. 

Todd,  Colonel,  152. 

Traders' goods  destroyed,  no,  119,  182. 

Tullehas,   13,  166. 

Verses   composed  by  Colonel  Smith,  116. 
Vigoras,    Andrew,  killed  by   the  Indians, 
6,  165. 

Virginia,  Indian  raid  on,  46,  49. 

Walhonding  Creek,  166. 
Washington.  General,  131,  134. 
Whetstone  Creek,  175. 
Whitewoman's  Creek,  166. 
Wilkinson,  General,  155. 
Wilson,  Anne,  wife  of  Col.  Smith,  vi. 
Wolfe,  General,  105. 
Wood,  Captain  John,  185. 
Wyandott  Village,  174. 

Youghiogheny  River,  5,  121. 
Zeisberger,  167. 


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